"The Report is composed of four thematic parts. Part 1 describes the conceptual framework and relates the findings of the Networked Readiness Index (NRI) 2012. In addition, Part 1 features selected expert contributions on the general theme of hyperconnectivity. Part 2 includes two case studies showi
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ng the efforts that two countries, Azerbaijan and Mauritius, are making to develop ICT and fully leverage their potential benefits. Part 3 comprises detailed profiles for the 142 economies covered in this year’s Report, providing a thorough picture of each economy’s current networked readiness landscape and allowing for international comparisons of specific variables or components of the NRI. Part 4 includes data tables for each of the 53 variables composing the NRI, with rankings for the economies covered as well as technical notes and sources for the quantitative variables used." (Executive summary, page xi)
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"Medien und Religionen: ein brisantes Thema, das bisher nur unzureichend bearbeitet ist. Dabei ist spätestens seit dem 11. September 2001, seit den heftigen Auseinandersetzungen um die Mohammed-Karikaturen und dem Streit um das provokante Buch von Thilo Sarrazin deutlich, wie sehr Bilder und Videos
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in Fernsehen und Internet, Zeitungsnachrichten und nicht zuletzt sensationell aufgemachte Bücher die Vorstellungen der Religionen und Kulturen voneinander mitbestimmen. Es ist häufig ein sehr problematisches und einseitiges Bild, das da medial vermittelt wird. Zum anderen haben die Religionen von jeher mit Medien, mit Bildern, Klängen, Schriften und Symbolen zu tun. Sie haben lange und reiche Traditionen im Ringen um einen menschenfreundlichen, lebensförderlichen Umgang mit Medien in einem weiten Sinn. Insofern lassen sich von den Religionen auch Impulse für die Humanisierung unserer Medienkultur erwarten. Beide Perspektiven wurden auf dem X. Nürnberger Forum verfolgt und in ihren Konsequenzen für religiöse und kulturelle Bildung bedacht. Expertinnen und Experten aus Theologie und Religionswissenschaft, Human- und Sozialwissenschaften, allgemeiner Pädagogik, Medienpädagogik und Religionspädagogik, aus Politik und öffentlichen Medien, aus Europa, Amerika, Afrika und Asien und aus allen großen Religionstraditionen referierten und diskutierten zu den vier Themenbereichen - Die Darstellung der Religionen in den öffentlichen Medien - Bilderverbot/Bilderkult: Das Bild und andere Medien in ihrer Bedeutung für die Religionen - Medienethik im Kontext religiöser Pluralität - Medien und interreligiöses / interkulturelles Lernen. In einem ergänzenden Symposium wurden – basierend auf dem Nürnberg-Rostocker Forschungsprojekt „Die Darstellung des Christentums in Schulbüchern islamisch geprägter Länder“ – Standards für interreligiöse Schulbuchforschung und -entwicklung erarbeitet, die Autorenteams, Verlagen und Kultusbehörden weitergegeben werden." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Based on CommGAP’s interactions with the global anticorruption community as well as earlier research, we were able to collate 18 representative instances (case studies) from around the world, with real-life examples of citizens coming together to speak up against corruption and social norms vis-
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-vis corruption or to change public services affected by corrupt practices. This report is a “one-step-up” analysis of the collated case studies, which is intended to shed light on practical approaches, tools, and techniques that have been successful in bringing citizens together to stand against the daunting phenomenon of corruption." (Page 1)
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"Turkey has made important reforms over the past decade and the military’s influence on the media is now much less. Genuine progress has been made but a legislative straitjacket continues to stifle journalists. Reporting of some topics is still routinely punished by the courts. Journalists are arr
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ested and tried for doing their job or expressing an opinion, their documents seized and their sources tracked down. This is especially happening in the present fierce struggle for control of all state institutions." (Conclusions, page 18)
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"This chapter examines whether training Turkish journalists using online training modules offered by the BBC, increased their awareness of ethical editorial issues. It also discusses the potential, as well as the obstacles, for establishing more democratic forms of journalism. The chapter begins by
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providing context to the discussion of journalism training by exploring the outline features of the media system and professionalization in the Turkish setting [...] Ethical guidelines may not be a magical solution in themselves, since political culture and political economic structure are important, but at least they can encourage debate and increase journalists' self-awareness. It is difficult to assess what the specific short-term impact of the project has been, but it is possible to say that the process in which I participated reminded me once again how important it is to be self-reflective and also to analyze our working principles and practices." (Pages 112-128)
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"Relying heavily on scores of first-hand accounts collected through interviews, the studies examine the practice of public diplomacy largely from the perspective of American practitioners in different countries. The analyses follow the standard field officer approach, asking systematically: what iss
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ues in local public opinion should we be addressing; who should we engage; how can we best engage them; and how well are the programs working? This is an ongoing process at every field post, involving local staff and constant attention to contacts. The studies in this book focus on field operations during one period of time, broadly from the end of the Bush administration to the early Obama administration, so comparisons can be made between them to determine which practices are common and which are unique [...] The first chapters in this book offer analyses of public diplomacy operations in specific countries in Europe, Africa, Southwest Asia, and Asia. Four other chapters focus directly on the specific question being asked by practitioners and scholars today: What is the role of the new media in public diplomacy? Two chapters present findings that advance our understanding of the role of the private sector, and the parallel roles of the State Department and the Peace Corps. The final chapter summarizes best practices from recent field experiences." (Preface, page x)
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"Die Medienbeziehungen zwischen der Türkei und Deutschland stehen alles andere als still. Vielmehr haben sie sich seit Mitte der neunziger Jahre des letzten Jahrhunderts drastisch verändert. Das Verhältnis der beiden Länder zueinander hat sich inzwischen derartig verdichtet, daß bei Medienberic
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hten nicht länger klar unterschieden werden kann, ob deutsche Innen- oder deutsche Außen- resp. türkische Innenoder Außenpolitik davon betroffen ist. Für die Entwicklung türkischer Medien innerhalb von Deutschland zeichnen sich mehrere Szenarien gleichzeitig ab: Zunahme von Medien von in Deutschland lebenden Türken, Bedeutungsverlust von aus der Türkei stammenden Medien und verschiedenartige sprachliche Formen (türkisch, deutsch, bi-lingual). Auch die deutsche Berichterstattung über türkische Migranten wird sich sehr unterschiedlich gestalten: Es wird genauso eine Zunahme von Toleranz und Empathie wie eine Zunahme von Rassismus nach dem Medienevent „Sarrazin“ geben." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This article has aimed to open a discussion on the rethinking a neo authoritarian media system in the age of neo liberalism as a case of Turkey’s media experiences. In this context, this study deals with the media policy paradigm shift in the Republic of Turkey since 1980s. According to a recent
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report of the European Journalism Centre (2010:4); although in the wake of a recent democratization wave in the country, there have been some positive elements in the media such as sporadic emergence of some critical perspectives even in some notoriously biased media outlets, which may change this bleak picture, the structural factors which shape the media practices (ownership concentration, working conditions of the journalist, etc) are too rigid and therefore it is too early to become optimistic. In this context, some aspects of these democratization processes are taken from the candidacy of European Union. Despite these positive developments in the doorstep of the European Union, Turkey’s media experience is heavily based on ownership structure and journalistic routines are far away from the democratic media system. Therefore, Turkey’s media experiences are characterised as a sample of neo authoritarian media system with ongoing media policy transformations, for instance privatization of media companies as much as possible, breaking monopolies and the fundamental change of the public broadcasting service is in the context of media policy. This observable change depends on the two overlapping development in Turkey’s democracy. On the one hand, the landscape of national media spaces has been affected by the political and economical conditions; especially after the two financial crashes (in 2000 and 2001) Turkey’s media has followed a re-structure by means of ownership and control. On the other hand, Turkey’s media experiences have been affected by governmental changes. Before the economic crises Turkey’s democracy was governed by a coalition and after the economic crises Turkey’s government changed by the national elections in 2002. Thus this article seeks to answer two interrelated questions: Where does press freedom stand in Turkey decades after the Justice and Development Party’s policies began? And what does Turkey’s media transformation tell us about our understanding of mass political media systems? In this study by using comparative analysis, and incorporating political science literature that offers typologies of non democratic systems of governance, this article demonstrates that contemporary Turkey’s media find much in common with authoritarian regimes across the world and are not sui generis as some have argued." (Abstract)
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"The chapters that follow provide an important insight into the evolution, current status and challenges to the effective implementation of media self-regulation systems in South East Europe and Turkey. Obstacles identified, which are likely to resonate in transitional democracies and other settings
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around the world, include insufficient tradition in the implementation of media self-regulation, low public trust in the media sector, political and economic pressures faced by media outlets and the important ties existing between politics, businesses and the media. The experiences recounted also underscore the essential need to bring all stakeholders on board in the effort to promote self-regulatory mechanisms, and to create awareness about the relevance of selfregulatory mechanisms among the general public - a task which is made difficult in the light of a prevailing lack of trust and consensus within the media sector itself. The publication sheds light on critical emerging issues for media accountability today. Confronting old dilemmas, journalists must abide by high ethical and professional standards in an environment that is revolutionized by the impact of new technologies. Contributing authors consider how media self-regulation fits into this new and ever-evolving picture, describing the impact of technological developments on media business models and traditional journalistic practices in South East Europe and Turkey, and the consequences that this bears for ethical and professional standards. Guaranteeing the application of such standards in online content is highlighted as a central challenge, with privacy protection, hate speech, gossip, unfounded accusations and criticism being issues flagged in some of the countries analysed. On a similar note, the multiplicity of actors producing and disseminating information, new methods of production and dissemination, and the increased speed of delivery has meant that editorial supervision is increasingly challenging." (Foreword, page 12)
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"Silence lies between forgetting and remembering. This book explores the ways in which different societies have constructed silences to enable men and women to survive and make sense of the catastrophic consequences of armed conflict. Using a range of disciplinary approaches, it examines the silence
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s that have followed violence in twentieth-century Europe, the Middle East and Africa. These essays show that silence is a powerful language of remembrance and commemoration and a cultural practice with its own rules. This broad-ranging book discloses the universality of silence in the ways we think about war through examples ranging from the Spanish Civil War and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to the Armenian Genocide and South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Bringing together scholarship on varied practices in different cultures, this book breaks new ground in the vast literature on memory, and opens up new avenues of reflection and research on the lingering aftermath of war." (Publisher description)
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"This study investigates Pope Benedict’s visit to Turkey as a global media event. The presentation includes the interaction between the global and the local in mass communication studies. The argument is that this visit makes visible some contradictions such as: East/West, EU/Turkey, Christian/Mus
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lim, Catholic/Orthodox. Before this trip, it was presupposed that these contradictions and stereotypes reinforced by the media were to set the agenda; however, it did not happen to be the case. Instead, the existing frames had been replaced by the new ones, which was called a frame shift in news reporting. The discourse method is used to prove this hypothesis. Data were collected during the trip and the visual materials helped in building our theoretical perspective. The aim is to observe the handling of this media event by Western press. Within this perspective, our sample had been formed by pioneering newspapers: Le Monde, Le Figaro, La Libération, The Guardian, The New York Times, Financial Times, Der Spiegel, BBC on-line and Time (magazine)." (Abstract)
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"This collective report examines the principal dimensions of media policy in 14 European countries (Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Greece, Italy, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Turkey and the UK), probing into the historical forces, national traditions and distinct politi
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cal and socio-economic contexts in which media policies have emerged and developed. The analysis explores the main instruments for media regulation in the countries under study, and assesses the implications of the established media policy strategies for democratic politics. The country chapters follow a similar structure. Following a brief introduction, the analysis focuses on the media landscape of the countries under review, offering an overview of the national media market (the press, broadcast media, online media and news agencies), as well as a discussion of the status of the journalistic profession and media literacy. The third section presents the major actors involved in media policymaking and proceeds with a succinct presentation and explanation of the national regulatory framework for the media, focusing mainly on structural and content regulation. The final section provides a critical assessment of the principal issues and trends that characterise the media policies of the countries under study, together with an assessment of the degree to which they enable the media to feed the democratic process. The report also contains a chapter discussing the media-related initiatives of the European Union and the Council of Europe, focusing on the interventions that are of relevance and importance to the protection and promotion of media freedom and independence." (Introductory note, page 10)
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"Internet censorship and surveillance becomes more sophisticated. The first-generation controls like China's "Great Firewall" are being replaced by techniques that include strategically timed distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks, targeted malware, take-down notices and stringent terms-of-usa
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ge policies. Their aim is to shape and limit the national information environment. This publication reports on these new trends and their implications for the global internet commons. In addition, it offers 32 detailed country profiles on internet surveillance from the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Middle East and North Africa, Asia and Europe." (CAMECO Update 2-2010)
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"Die türkischstämmigen Migranten neigen im Vergleich mit anderen Herkunftsgruppen am stärksten zur Nutzung muttersprachiger Medien. Für sie gibt es auch das größte entsprechende Angebot, besonders bei Fernsehen und Printmedien. Hingegen scheinen insbesondere Migranten aus dem ehemaligen Jugosl
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awien und aus Polen eine Affinität zu deutschsprachigen Medien zu haben. Allgemein ist jedoch die komplementäre Nutzung deutscher und muttersprachiger Medien verbreitet. Jüngere, in Deutschland geborene und besser gebildete Migranten mit guten deutschen Sprachkenntnissen neigen besonders stark zu diesem Muster oder sogar zur ausschließlichen Nutzung deutscher Medien. Demgegenüber nutzen ältere Migranten, im Ausland geborene Personen und solche mit geringerem Bildungsgrad häufiger Medienangebote in der Muttersprache. Deutsche und muttersprachige Medien haben unterschiedliche Funktionen, was am Beispiel des deutschen und türkischen Fernsehens deutlich wird: Deutsches Fernsehen wird vorwiegend zur Information genutzt, es wird als sachlich und kühl, aber auch als vertrauenswürdig empfunden. Türkisches Fernsehen hingegen dient eher Unterhaltungszwecken, aber auch der Information über Geschehnisse in der Türkei. Zudem hat es stärker soziale und emotionale Funktionen („Familienfernsehen“) und dient als Brücke zum Herkunftsland, wodurch es auch für die jüngere Generation attraktiv bleibt." (Zentrale Ergebnisse, Seite 5)
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"Leading researchers from different regions of Europe and the United States address five major interrelated themes: 1) how ideological and normative constructs gave way to empirical systematic comparative work in media research; 2) the role of foreign media groups in post-communist regions and the e
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ffects of ownership in terms of impacts on media freedom; 3) the various dimensions of the relationship between mass media and political systems in a comparative perspective; 4) professionalization of journalism in different political cultures—autonomy of journalists, professional norms and practices, political instrumentalization and the commercialization of the media; 5) the role of state intervention in media systems." (Publisher description)
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