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Information Flows and Radicalization Leading to Violent Extremism in Central Asia

Search for Common Ground;Internews (2019), 77 pp.

"The study is comprised of three main parts: a desk study of available and accessible material – reports, documents and media material; a qualitative study comprising over 200 interviews with ordinary people, experts, and persons with direct experience with radicalization leading to violent extrem ... ism (RVE); and a quantitative component consisting of national surveys of people’s information consumption habits. For the desk study, the effort was made to gain as broad a picture as possible, that is, to cover all five countries of Central Asia – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. However, predictably and unfortunately, Uzbekistan and especially Turkmenistan proved difficult cases to study in full. For both the qualitative and quantitative field research activities, for several reasons, only the first three countries were included. As a result, this study is able to report most robustly on these three countries and propose observations regarding Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan only to a limited extent. Based on the desk study, the drivers of extremist sympathies as established in existing research have been political grievances (injustice from state structures; identity-based discrimination; oppressive political regimes, etc), economic difficulties (unemployment; indebtedness; poverty; and desire for quick and greater income) and ideological motivations (resentment of false values; striving for the singularly just and true life; for reward in a perceived afterlife). To these push and pull factors are added a range of enabling factors, such as migration, young age, gender (women), and means of communication. All these drivers of RVE need to be treated with caution, as stressed by various authors and suggested by evidence gained in field research. A general observation, gained from the desk research and supported by evidence in both qualitative and quantitative field studies, was the difference among the countries in degree of control over the information space, or the degree of hegemony over public discourse. Of the three most fully studied countries, hegemonic discourse was the strongest in Tajikistan, followed by Kazakhstan, and the least in Kyrgyzstan. Uzbekistan, analyzed to a limited extent, would be closer to the extreme of Tajikistan, whereas Turkmenistan was too closed to make reasonably robust observations." (Page 3) more

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Berichterstattung über öffentliche Proteste in Kasachstan: Medienkontrolle als Quelle politischer Macht

Heiko Pleines

Zentralasien-Analysen, issue 138 (2019), pp. 2-5

"Die Berichterstattung der kasachstanischen Massenmedien über Proteste im Lande folgt einer klaren Linie. Kleinere Proteste werden ignoriert. Wenn über größere Demonstrationen berichtet wird, kommen ihre Vertreter nicht zu Wort und ihre Forderungen werden nicht erwähnt. Stattdessen werden der i ... more

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Media Influence Matrix: Kazakhstan. Funding Journalism

Adil Nussipov

Budapest: Center for Media, Data and Society (CMDS) (2019), 26 pp.

"Only three of the ten most popular television channels in Kazakhstan are not government-owned. Former President Nursultan Nazarbayev directly or through his family, also owns television channels. For example, KTK, the second most watched television channel in the country is run by the Foundation of ... the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan-Elbasy. Another popular television channel, NTK, is owned directly by a Nazarbayev family member. Nazarbayev resigned in March 2019, but political analysts say that he did so to be able, before he dies, to supervise a smooth transition to a new regime that will continue his policies, ensuring centralization of political control and preventing criticism of authorities as Nazarbayev did during his 29-year tenure. When it comes to online news, the Government owns three of the 10 most visited websites: Kazinform.kz, Bnews.kz and 24.kz. In fact, none of the most popular news portals in Kazakhstan are independent and truly free of government control. For example, TengriNews.kz, one of the most read news websites is owned by the company Alash Media Group, which is known for promoting a strong pro-government narrative. The foreign influence in Kazakhstan’s media landscape is limited as foreigners can own only 20% of a media company. That being said, the Russian influence in the Kazakh media is notable. The most popular television channel in the country, Eurasia, jointly owned by the governments of Kazakhstan and Russia, is known for promoting a heavy pro-Russian agenda on world affairs. Another popular television channel, Channel 31 (31 Kanal) is co-owned by Bulat Utemuratov, a wealthy local businessman, and the Russian-funded STS Media Holding. Kenes Rakishev, another entrepreneur, owner of Channel Seven (Sedmoy Kanal), is also a partner in Fastlane Ventures, a prominent Russian venture fund that usually invests in internet companies. The Government is by far the largest funder in the media, with over €144m spent in cash dished out to media companies in 2017, more than the overall ad spend in Kazakhstan, according to industry estimates. Most of the government funding goes to government-owned media companies or privately held outlets that show support of the Government. For example, in television, the biggest chunk of government cash is spent on financing Khabar and Qazaqstan, two government-owned channels. In such a centralized media environment in which the Government plays a disproportionately big role, there is hardly any space for independent journalism. Owned by a civil society activist and journalist, Vlast.kz is arguably the sole truly independent news website among the 10 most visited websites in the country. There are other independent news media such as Azattyq, the local service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, but their audience is much smaller." (Page 4) more

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The Status of Media and the Role of Social Media in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan

Elira Turdubaeva

Bishkek: Institute for War & Peace Reporting (IWPR) (2018), 53 pp.

"These recommendations are given to media of all four countries as they are important for the development of media in all four countries: It is necessary to create stronger communications between NGOs and the media; to foster cooperation and trust between the civil society and the media; to act as a ... more

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Violent Extremism in Central Asia 2018: A Preliminary Survey of Groups, Digital Dimensions and State Responses

Ottawa; Bishkek: SecDev;Civil Initiative on Internet Policy (CIIP) (2018), 45 pp.

"Over the past decade, radicalisation to violent extremism (VE) has become a matter of pressing public and political concern in Central Asia. Between 2000 and 5000 Central Asians responded to calls to join jihad in Syria and Afghanistan, most of them radicalised while foreign workers in the labour c ... more

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Online Activism in Politically Restricted Central Asia: A Comparative Review of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan

Bahtiyar Kurambayev

In: Handbook of Communication for Development and Social Change

Jan Servaes (ed.)

Singapore: Springer (2018), pp. 961-976

"This comparative study examined the Internet’s role and wider social media in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, three Central Asian countries in the democratization process. Specifically, this work aims to discuss how the Internet and social media are allowing Internet users wider opportuni ... more

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Mass Media in the Post-Soviet World: Market Forces, State Actors, and Political Manipulation in the Informational Environment After Communism

Peter Rollberg, Marlene Laruelle (eds.)

Stuttgart: ibidem-Verlag (2018), 446 pp.

"This collection covers the major trends of the media environment of the post-Communist world and their recent development, with special focus on Russia and the post-Soviet space. The term ‘media environment’ covers not just traditional print and electronic media, but new media as well, and rang ... more

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Media Sustainability Index 2018: The Development of Sustainable Independent Media in Europe and Eurasia

Linda Trail (ed.)

Washington, DC: IREX (2018), xx, 314 pp.

"Macedonia and Montenegro saw the largest overall score increases this year, in comparison to 2017. The improvement across all objectives this year for Macedonia’s media sector can be attributed to political changes that prioritize media in democratic reforms. Although Montenegro’s score improve ... more

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Freedom on the Net 2017: Manipulating Social Media to Undermine Democracy
Top Insights

Sanja Kelly, Mai Truong, Adrian Shahbaz, Madeline Earp, Jessica White (eds.)

Washington, DC; New York: Freedom House (2017), 1060 pp.

"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice ... more

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Defamation and Insult Laws in the OSCE Region: A Comparative Study

Scott Griffen

Barbara Trionfi (ed.)

Vienna: OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media (2017), 267 pp.

"This study examines the existence of criminal defamation and insult laws in the territory of the 57 participating States of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). In doing so, it offers a broad, comparative overview of the compliance of OSCE participating States’ legislat ... more

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Supporting an Independent, Vibrant Media in Kazakhstan

In: OECD Integrity Scan of Kazakhstan: Preventing Corruption for a Competitive Economy

Paris: OECD (2017), pp. 275-296

"This chapter discusses the role of media in the Republic of Kazakhstan in combating corruption. First, it provides an assessment of the recently passed access to information legislation in the country as it relates to media's access to government information. Second, it analyses the extent to which ... more

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Culture and Crisis Communication: Transboundary Cases from Nonwestern Perspectives

Amiso M. George, Kwamena Kwansah-Aidoo (eds.)

New York: Wiley (2017), xxix, 376 pp.

"Culture and Crisis Communication presents an examination of how politics, culture, religion, and other social issues affect crisis communication and management in nonwestern countries. From intense human tragedy to the follies of the rich, the chapters examine how companies, organizations, news out ... more

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Media Sustainability Index 2017: The Development of Sustainable Independent Media in Europe and Eurasia

Leon Morse (ed.)

Washington, DC: IREX (2017), xx, 290 pp.

"While a few much-needed improvements can be reported for the 2017 Europe & Eurasia Media Sustainability Index (MSI), overall there are signs of continued and worsening challenges facing those who wish to create and support a vibrant information system in the 21 countries studied in this volume [... ... more

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Freedom on the Net 2016. Silencing the Messenger: Communication Apps Under Pressure
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Sanja Kelly, Mai Truong, Adrian Shahbaz, Madeline Earp (eds.)

Washington, DC; New York: Freedom House (2016), 1021 pp.

"Internet freedom has declined for the sixth consecutive year, with more governments than ever before targeting social media and communication apps as a means of halting the rapid dissemination of information, particularly during antigovernment protests. Public-facing social media platforms like Fac ... more

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Medien in Kasachstan: Entwicklung, Zustand, Perspektiven

Assel Nazarbetova, Zarema Shaukenova, Beate Eschment

Osteuropa, volume 66, issue 11 (2016), pp. 181-195

"Seit der Unabhängigkeit 1991 ist in Kasachstan ein Mediensystem entstanden, das formal viele Gemeinsamkeiten mit den Mediensystemen in konsolidierten Demokratien aufweist. Die Verfassung garantiert Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit, auf dem Medienmarkt herrscht Vielfalt, das Internet gewinnt zulasten d ... more

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Regional Assessment on Access to and Quality of Information on Environmental Issues for Internews Project “Media for Improved Reporting on Environment and Natural Resources in Central Asia” Funded by the European Union

Bishkek: Internews;SIAR Research&Consulting (2016), 73 pp.

"The main objective of this research project was to develop a baseline around quantity and quality information on environment and natural resources in Kyrgyz Republic, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan in order to inform Internews’ Central Asia project, specifically capacity buil ... more

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Media Sustainability Index 2016: The Development of Sustainable Independent Media in Europe and EurAsia

Leon Morse (ed.)

Washington, DC: IREX (2016), xxii, 318 pp.

"The three countries that this year experienced a decrease in overall score—Belarus, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan—were ones last year that had showed small but unexpected increases. Last year’s Executive Summary indicated that such increases were unlikely to be part of a larger upward trend; pan ... more

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Freedom on the Net 2015: Privatizing Censorship, Eroding Privacy

Sanja Kelly, Madeline Earp, Laura Reed, Adrian Shahbaz, Mai Truong (eds.)

Washington, DC; New York: Freedom House (2015), 986 pp.

"Internet freedom around the world has declined for the fifth consecutive year, with more governments censoring information of public interest and placing greater demands on the private sector to take down offending content. State authorities have also jailed more users for their online writings, wh ... more

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Media Sustainability Index 2015: The Development of Sustainable Independent Media in Europe and Eurasia

Leon Morse (ed.)

Washington, DC: IREX (2015), xxii, 323 pp.

"Results of the 2015 MSI study for Europe & Eurasia (E&E) at first glance show encouraging results: the average of 21 overall country scores increased by 0.04 compared with last year, representing the highest average of overall scores so far this decade. Out of 21 countries studied, seven increased ... more

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Media Consumption Forecasts 2015

Anne Austin, Jonathan Barnard, Nicola Hutcheon

London: ZenithOptimedia (2015), 192 pp.

"This report surveys the changing patterns of media consumption in 65 countries across the world, and forecasts how the amount of time people allocate to different media will change between 2014 and 2017. It measures the amount of time spent reading newspapers and magazines, watching television, lis ... more

Freedom on the Net 2017: Manipulating Social Media to Undermine Democracy Top Insights

Freedom on the Net 2016. Silencing the Messenger: Communication Apps Under Pressure Top Insights

Freedom on the Net 2017: Manipulating Social Media to Undermine Democracy
Top Insights

Freedom on the Net 2016. Silencing the Messenger: Communication Apps Under Pressure
Top Insights