"Radio remains the leading source of media news for adult Zimbabweans. Six out of 10 citizens (59%) said they get news regularly (“every day” or “a few times a week”) via the radio, compared to 33% for television and 17% for newspapers. About one in five citizens get news regularly from soci
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al media (21%) and the Internet (18%). But “other people” surpass all media channels as a regular source of news, cited by almost two-thirds (64%) of respondents. News habits have changed little in Zimbabwe in recent years. Only social media shows significant recent growth as a regular news source. Urban and rural residents differ sharply in their news habits. For example, while television beats out radio in cities (69% vs. 63%), only 12% of rural inhabitants regularly get TV news. Most Zimbabweans (95%) own a mobile phone or live in a household where someone else owns one. But only 43% of those phones have access to the Internet. About three-fourths (73%) of citizens own or have access to radios, compared to 48% for televisions and 23% for computers. Poor citizens are less likely to own communications devices and to access the Internet than their better-off counterparts. Religious leaders are the most trusted institution in Zimbabwe, making them a potentially valuable conduit for information during the COVID-19 pandemic." (Key findings, page 2)
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"The government of Zimbabwe is encouraging the use of digital platforms to provide remote learning services during the COVID-19 pandemic, but data showing that most households lack Internet access and reliable electricity suggest that many students will find it difficult or impossible to participate
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. The government should also provide remote-learning services via radio and television, which are more widely accessible, though even this approach will exclude many students. In the longer term, major improvements in electricity supply and Internet connectivity, especially in rural areas, will be needed to move Zimbabwean education into the remote-learning era." (Conclusion)
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"The world is facing an unprecedented climate and environmental emergency. Scientists have identified human activity as primarily responsible for the climate crisis, which together with rampant environmental pollution, and the unbridled activities of the extractive and agricultural industries, pose
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a direct threat to the sustainability of life on this planet. This edition of Global Information Society Watch (GISWatch) seeks to understand the constructive role that technology can play in confronting the crises. It disrupts the normative understanding of technology being an easy panacea to the planet’s environmental challenges and suggests that a nuanced and contextual use of technology is necessary for real sustainability to be achieved. A series of thematic reports frame different aspects of the relationship between digital technology and environmental sustainability from a human rights and social justice perspective, while 46 country and regional reports explore the diverse frontiers where technology meets the needs of both the environment and communities and where technology itself becomes a challenge to a sustainable future." (Back cover)
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"This publication is a compilation of 19 articles by African researchers, academics, journalists and human and digital rights activists on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on digital rights in Africa. The articles were commissioned by the African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms (AfDec
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) Coalition as part of its project on “Securing human rights online in Africa through a strong and active ‘African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms’ network”. The AfDec Coalition is a pan-African initiative which promotes human rights standards and principles of openness in internet policy formulation and implementation on the continent, guided by the 13 principles established in the African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms. At the time that the papers were commissioned, in June 2020, African states had either invoked existing policies or adopted new policies for prevention of spread, containment and treatment of the virus that had an impact on the enjoyment of digital rights. For example, most governments employed the use of contact tracing applications to track and trace citizens’ movements and put in place measures criminalising free speech when it contained false information about the pandemic. These two examples had the potential to be abused, particularly the latter, which was used to silence journalists and government critics. The pandemic also moved most citizens’ communication, education, work, trade and access to basic services from physical interactions to primilary online interactions. However, the continent is still largely made up of informal economies, has a low internet penetration rate of 28.2% (far below the global average of around 53%), and has seen an increase in reports of digital rights violations resulting from repressive cyberlaws, making the efforts to address the pandemic inadequate and inequitable. These articles offer reflective analyses on government efforts to curb the COVID-19 pandemic from the perspective of the AfDec principles, with a focus on a number of the principles including privacy and personal data protection, gender equality, freedom of expression, internet access and affordability, and the right to development and access to knowledge." (Introduction)
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"In March 2019, Cyclone Idai brought death and destruction to Malawi, Mozambique and Zimbabwe as a result of heavy rains and extensive flooding (Figure 1). The respective governments together with UNICEF and other partners, responded swiftly to the disaster. Rescue and relief operations were impleme
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nted immediately, saving many lives, and resources were rapidly mobilized to provide food and non-food items to people in the affected areas. As part of the initial response, UNICEF conducted a rapid knowledge, attitudes and practices (KAP) survey on the information and communication needs of the most affected people in all three countries. The findings informed the lifesaving multisectoral C4D interventions which played a key supporting role in all three countries (Table 1). The experiences of the three countries in successfully mainstreaming C4D across the Cyclone Idai response offer valuable learning for future humanitarian emergencies." (Introduction)
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"This book brings together fresh evidence and new theoretical frameworks in a unique analysis of the increasing role of social media in political campaigns and electoral processes across Africa. Supported by contemporary and historical cases studies, it engages with the main drives behind the variou
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s appropriations of social media for election campaigns, organization, and voter mobilization. Contributors in this volume delve into changing and complex aspects of social media, offering an appraisal of theoretical perspectives and examining fascinating case studies which social media use is redefining elections across Africa. Contributions show that new media ecologies are resulting in new policy regimes, user behaviors, and communication models that have implications for electoral processes. The book also provides preliminary analysis of emerging forms of algorithm-driven campaigns, fake news, information distortions and other methods that undermine electoral democracy in Africa." (Publisher description)
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"The definition of censorship denotes direct or overt restriction on free expression or freedom of the media. The popular understanding of self-censorship involves a person’s involuntary self-silencing. A journalist’s wilful, personal, intentional self-censorship, at times motivated by selfish m
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otives, is often overlooked especially when there is complicit acceptance of political perspective or financial interest, or normalization/naturalization of unethical practices. Systems and ideologies can condition individuals to self-censor using what Louis Althusser has termed Ideological State Apparatuses and Repressive State Apparatuses, including interpellation. The Zimbabwean Crisis that has resulted in the polarization of Zimbabwean media along political lines demands an evaluation of the notion of self-censorship. Instead of merely focusing on the involuntary nature of self-censorship, there is need to assess instances when journalists self-censor and selfishly comply with political and commercial interests at the expense of serving the lofty ideals of the public good and public interest. Numerous examples exist where Zimbabwean journalists were abused and their rights violated leading to the adoption of self-preservation by such journalists and others when faced with the choice of whether to write or not to write, to tell or not tell. However, journalists are systematically recruited into party and commercial systems, and they have comfortably adopted a cosy demeanour to the extent of collaborating with powerful interest groups and formations. When journalists self-censor not because of fear of violence or threats or other safety concerns, it undermines the transcendental ideal of providing information as a public good and in the public/national interest." (Abstract)
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"This study examines how the 2008 election violence was framed in three mainstream Zimbabwean weekly newspapers – The Sunday Mail, The Independent and The Zimbabwean. It was noted that four frames – the victim, justice and human rights, trivialization and attribution of responsibility frames dom
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inated the coverage of electoral violence in these three newspapers. The dominance of the trivializing frame in The Sunday Mail privileged the ruling party’s (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front; ZANU PF) interpretation of electoral violence as inconsequential to the electoral process. Simultaneously, the prevalence of the victim, justice and human rights frames in The Independent and The Zimbabwean newspapers signifies the private media’s obsession with ZANU PF’s alleged electoral malpractices and situates these alleged transgressions within a broad global social justice and human rights trajectory to cultivate the West’s sympathy with the ‘victimised’ opposition." (Abstract)
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"Zusammen mit katholischen Journalisten gründeten wir eine Katholische Vereinigung von Medienfachleuten, und ich war Mitglied des freien Medienrates von Simbabwe, einer selbstständigen Organisation, unabhängig vom Staat, die Anleitungen gab, wie die Medien selber ethische Prinzipien durchsetzen k
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önnen. Journalisten und sonstige Medienleute sollten Beschwerden über Veröffentlichungen in den Medien durch Dialog mit den Verantwortlichen in Presse, Rundfunk, Fernsehen und Internet untersuchen und Irrtümer richtigstellen. Ich war froh, dass ich als kirchlicher Vertreter an diesem Prozess beteiligt war. Ich hoffte, dadurch auch die Beziehungen zwischen Kirche und Medien zu verbessern. Die Medien wissen oft nicht viel über die Kirche, und die Kirche ist oft misstrauisch gegenüber Medien. Seriöse Journalisten und die Kirche haben gemeinsam ein leidenschaftliches Interesse an der Wahrheit und verlässlicher Berichterstattung. Zwischen beiden muss es einen echten Dialog über die Ethik im Umgang mit der Rolle der Medien in der Öffentlichkeit geben. Wie geht man mit Nachrichten und ihrer Veröffentlichung um? Wie kann mediale Kommunikation nicht so sehr Gruppeninteressen, sondern dem Gemeinwohl dienen? Wie sollen Journalisten bei ihren Nachforschungen vorangehen? In kirchlichen Kreisen sind die Medien gefürchtet. Die Missbrauchsskandale, besonders der Schutz, den Täter angeblich in der Kirche genießen, erwecken den Eindruck, als ob die Kirche sich nicht strikt an die Wahrheit bei der Verteidigung ihrer eigenen Interessen hält. Aber was ist Sinn und Zweck der Kirche, wenn sie nicht wahrhaftig ist und man ihr nicht trauen kann?" (Seite 125-127)
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"Drawing on over a dozen new empirical case studies – from Kenya to Somalia, South Africa to Tanzania – this collection explores how rapidly growing social media use is reshaping political engagement in Africa. But while social media has often been hailed as a liberating tool, the book demonstra
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tes how it has often served to reinforce existing power dynamics, rather than challenge them. Featuring experts from a range of disciplines from across the continent, this collection is the first comprehensive overview of social media and politics in Africa. By examining the historical, political, and social context in which these media platforms are used, the book reveals the profound effects of cyber-activism, cyber-crime, state policing and surveillance on political participation." (Publisher description)
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"This book focuses on the reporting of human rights in broadly defined times of conflict. It brings together scholarly and professional perspectives on the role of the media in constructing human rights and peacebuilding options in conflict and post-conflict environments, drawing on case studies fro
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m Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia. It also provides critical reflections on the challenges faced by journalists and explores the implications of constructing human rights and peacebuilding options in their day-to-day professional activities." (Publisher description)
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"The promulgation of the Broadcasting Service Act (BSA), which contains a three-tier model of the broadcasting system, was supposed to revolutionise the broadcasting media sphere in Zimbabwe. It was supposed to change the dynamics of radio broadcasting in Zimbabwe by increasing the opportunity for p
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ublic, commercial and community broadcasting sectors. However, the three-tier model of broadcasting has remained on the paper, creating a strong debate on community radio licensing among media activists, practitioners, academics, the government and other media policy stakeholders on the government’s reluctance in issuing community radio licences. While some studies have focused on the strategies used by community broadcasting activists to communicate with their target audiences in Zimbabwe, this research seeks to contribute to the growing body of literature on community broadcasting policy and the contestations which have resulted in the impasse of the licensing of community radios in Zimbabwe. Based on the Four Theoretical Approach to Community Media, in-depth interviews with Zimbabwean media policy stakeholders as well as documentary analysis, this study explores the contestation of ideas that characterised community broadcasting reform processes in Zimbabwe." (Abstract)
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"The rise of social media in Zimbabwe has brought with it a greater variety of platforms which offer people a means to express themselves. However, the democratisation of information and the increase in digital spaces have also come with greater state restriction and polarisation among Zimbabweans.
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This policy brief intends to discuss the state’s attempts to act as the proctor of social media in order to explore the relations between users of online platforms in terms of political leanings and gender. To this end, it will also discuss the damaging effects of online targeting and how it can exacerbate already existing political divisions between people. The paper will also discuss how the state uses legal instruments to surveil and regulate online activity as a way of maintaining its iron grip on the people." (Abstract)
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"When Zimbabwe attained her independence from colonial powers in 1980, prospects of a peaceful nation were high, especially following the pledge made by the Prime Minister Elect in his victory speech. Isaiah 2:4b was quoted as a metaphor of peace, but things did not turn out as expected in the follo
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wing years. The vicious cycle of violence that was inherited from the colonial legacy continued and the worse phase of that cycle was the Midlands and Matabeleland crisis, commonly known as Gukurahundi. Approximately 20 000 people died in the state-sanctioned violence (genocide). Using Cue-Dependent Forgetting Theory, this paper critically appraises possible reasons why the promised bliss through reconciliation did not materialise. Among the reasons cited in this paper are the lack of a serious Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and also the phenomenon of amnesia as the major contributory factors to this cycle of violence." (Abstract)
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"[...] there seems to be an understanding that the media is important and that society needs the media. In October 2018, KAS Media Africa, therefore, gathered the CEOs of media houses, publishers and editors-in-chief from 16 different countries, both from Anglophone and Frenchspeaking Africa, in Acc
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ra. In the Ghanaian capital, they heard about different models of how to make one’s media enterprise economically stronger. Questions such as whether Africa needs or accepts a paywall featured. Along with several other key sustainability issues, the critical question of how the media can make itself more independent from government advertising – often a vital cog in the media’s sustainability in most parts of Africa – was also debated. There is no one-size-fits-all model of a good media enterprise, but we do encourage the exchange between people who realise that making an online publication in Cape Town is completely different from defending one’s publication in Bamako, Mali against government interference and terrorist threats. Some media in Africa will not survive the gathering storms, while others will make it through diversification, innovation, an exchange with other players in the African market, and with the passion of their publishers." (Foreword)
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"This is a timely and much-needed collection that fills an important gap in the literature. It offers excellent conceptual tools and a selection of case studies that provide a useful map of the digital divide across the African continent and between Africa and the rest of the world. I especially app
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reciate the editors’ efforts to address African issues on their own terms and to problematize interpretive paradigms from the global north. It is a book that many will look forward to reading." (Pier Paolo Frassinelli, Professor, School of Communication, University of Johannesburg, South Africa)
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"In den 1980er Jahren verstärkte sich das Unbehagen an der Gedenkkultur mit ihren Heldenerzählungen und nationalen Beschränkungen. Mit der größeren Komplexität des Gedenkens und der Hinwendung zu den sozialen Kosten historischer Ereignisse prägte sich eine neue Erinnerungskultur aus. Diese is
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t kein abgeschlossenes Modell. In diesem Prozess wandeln sich die Wahrnehmung der Vergangenheit sowie die zukunftsgerichteten Zwecke des Gedenkens." (Seite 17)
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