"En el artículo se analiza la televisión comunitaria en Colombia. Presenta las rutinas y los criterios con los que se define su programación, contenidos, participación de la audiencia, los temas recurrentes, valores y contravalores periodísticos. El estudio utiliza y triangula métodos cuantita
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tivos y cualitativos. Plantea un “Modelo de televisión comunitaria para el desarrollo humano." (Resumen)
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"Zusammenfassend zeigt sich bei der Berichterstattung über Gewalttaten eine klare Unausgewogenheit in Bezug auf Opfer und TäterInnen. Es herrscht eine "asimetría de la indignación" (Semana 0.2.02.2008), das heißt eine Asymetrie der Empörung und eine asymetrische Sensibilisierung, die die Opfer
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des Paramilitarismus und des Militärs unsichtbar macht. Somit wird eine Wirklichkeit des Koflikts konstruiert, in der praktisch nur die Opfer der Guerillas - insbesondere Entführungsopfer - existieren. Dies reproduziert die asuymmetrischen sozialen Verhältnisse der Opfer selbst. Denn die Zielscheibe des Paramilitarismus und des Militärs sind meistens Kleinbäuerinnen und Kleinbauern, besitzlose SiedlerInnen des Hinterlands oder VerteterInnen von Basisorganisationen, deren Zugang zu den staatlichen Ressourcen - ganz zu schweigen zu den Massenmedien - viel beschränkter ist, als der von Mittel- und Oberschichtsangehörigen bzw. Mitgliedern des Militärs, die in der untersuchten Periode bevorzugte Entführungsziele der Guerillas waren." (Schlusskommentar, Seite 160)
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"At the beginning of 2008, the war between two powerful Mexican drug cartels generated an incredible wave of violence in some cities along the US-Mexican border. In Ciudad Juárez, located in the northern state of Chihuahua and to the west of the Texas-Mexico border, the feud over control of drug-tr
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afficking routes between the Cartel de Sinaloa and the Cartel de Juárez has claimed the lives of more than 10,000 people since the war began. Figures from the Chihuahua’s State Attorney Office offer a clear picture of the escalation of violence: in 2007, 307 people were killed in cases related to drug traffi cking; in 2008, the number rose to 1,607; in 2009, it was 2,601; and by 2010, the most violent year in the period, assassinations escalated to 3,156. At the height of the drug war, killings became so randomized that anyone could fall victim, including journalists, as the next chapter details. An entire society was affected by an increase in kidnappings, extortion, robberies, and a vast array of crimes, with youth often becoming favorite targets. The massacre of 15 teenagers and football players during a birthday party the night of January 31, 2010, was an indicator of the level of deterioration of the city. In July, a car bomb exploded in the middle of a busy avenue in downtown Juárez. It was the first time that drug cartels used a car bomb to attack civilians and police. The explosion of the vehicle, packed with 22 pounds of a powerful water gel explosive, left three people dead and a dozen civilians wounded. The violence was reaching an unprecedented level, particularly on the weekends. Reports of slaughtered scores were the top stories in local newspapers every Monday morning. During one weekend in February 2010, 53 people were massacred in different incidents. The violence had yet to reach its peak." (Abstract)
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"The current UIS Questionnaire on Media Statistics provides information for three UNESCO frameworks, namely the Media and Information Literacy Framework, the Media Development Indicators Framework and the Framework for Cultural Statistics. The questionnaire collects data for reporting global progres
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s on Action Lines C2, C3, C8 and C9 of the World Summit on Information Society (WSIS) in UNESCO’s fields of competencies. In particular, Action Line C9 recommends appropriate policies to foster and sustain media and information development. This document provides country profiles for each of the countries that participated in the two pilot surveys conducted in 2011 and 2012." (Background, page 3)
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"This book provides an in-depth comparative analysis of inequality and the stratification of the digital sphere. Grounded in classical sociological theories of inequality, as well as empirical evidence, this book defines “the digital divide” as the unequal access and utility of internet communic
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ations technologies and explores how it has the potential to replicate existing social inequalities, as well as create new forms of stratification. The Digital Divide examines how various demographic and socio-economic factors including income, education, age and gender, as well as infrastructure, products and services affect how the internet is used and accessed. Comprised of six parts, the first section examines theories of the digital divide, and then looks in turn at: highly developed nations and regions (including the USA, the EU and Japan); emerging large powers (Brazil, Russia, India, China); Eastern European countries (Estonia, Romania, Serbia); Arab and Middle Eastern nations (Egypt, Iran, Israel); under-studied areas (East and Central Asia, Latin America, and sub-Saharan Africa)." (Publisher description)
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"Si hay algo que caracteriza a Cristóbal Coronel, y que podría decirse es casi su esencia, es sin duda su incesante y marcada pasión por la radio. Ondas que provocan. Radio Illimani, los Estados y el nacionalismo forma parte de esa envidiable y particular obsesión por lo radiofónico que tiene a
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trapado a este investigador. El relato provocativo que con este texto logra construir, para llevarnos por esa línea de tiempo cercano al siglo de existencia de la radiodifusión en Bolivia y en particular de la Radio Illimani, atraviesa una espesa red de acontecimientos políticos, económicos, sociales, culturales, tecnológicos y desde luego comunicacionales. Más allá del análisis histórico, Coronel deja imaginar tiempos, instantes, situaciones en los que se fue haciendo el medio sonoro estatal. El texto se constituye, no cabe duda, en una referencia obligatoria para quienes deseen conocer la trama del surgimiento de las tecnologías mediáticas y los entornos que se modifican con su llegada. Pero específicamente el contexto de la radio (estatal) en Bolivia." (Prólogo)
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"Nearly 200 investigative journalists converged from all corners of the US-Mexico border at the salmon-colored Hotel Lucerna in Ciudad Juárez to discuss their targets: corrupt politicians, contaminators, criminals, rogues and wrong-doers of all stripes. The gathering came in late 1997-a high point
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in the halcyon days of border journalism. After seven decades, the ruling PRI party had loosened its iron grip on the Mexican media, and muckraking border reporters had won backing from powerful media moguls in both the United States and Mexico. Some of us quaffing Coronas around tables covered with white linen in the reception room that night believed we might finally be about to break some of the biggest untold stories of binational crime and corruption without facing much-if any-threat of retaliation." (Abstract)
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"Este estudio consta de 53 preguntas sobre el personal de los canales, las audiencias, el financiamiento, la programación y las necesidades de formación del personal. Recibieron la encuesta 37 canales de televisión, de los cuales respondieron 23 en 15 países. En relación a los recursos humanos,
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los canales de televisión tienen grupos que van desde los 6 hasta las 150 personas trabajando en una estación. El 66 % recibe una remuneración. Las donaciones privadas alcanzan un 25% mientras que las entradas de tipo comercial son el 43%. Este punto se compone en gran medida de la venta de publicidad pero también de servicios como alquiler de estudio y equipamiento, la venta de tiempo para producciones seculares y otros rubros como programas de “televentas”. Si bien es cierto que cada Iglesia local, así como fundaciones, universidades y otras instituciones católicas, hacen un aporte, son los mismos canales los que han explorado diversas formas de financiamiento para sostenerse anualmente. La mayoría de las estaciones emite las 24 horas, con un promedio de 22 horas. Consultados sobre el “tipo de contenido”, el resultado dio un 55 % “con mensaje religioso” y un 45 % “con mensaje general”. El 53% es de producción propia y consiste en “talk shows” en estudio, entrevistas, testimonios y charlas." (commbox)
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"Purpose: War journalists confront many dangers, leaving them at risk for mental health problems. They are, however, able to take breaks from the hazards of frontline work by periodically leaving conflict zones for the safety of home. This respite is not afforded local journalists who cover conflict
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situations. An example of this may be found in Mexico where journalists reporting on the drug cartels may under threat. This inability to seek temporary respite from grave danger may theoretically increase levels of psychological distress. The purpose of this paper is to examine this possibility.
Design/methodology/approach: The study sample comprised 104 Mexican journalists and a control group of 104 war journalists (non*Mexican, demographically matched). Outcome measures included indices of posttraumatic stress disorder (Impact of Event Scale*Revised)(IES*R), depression (Beck Depression Inventory*Revised (BDI*II) and psychological distress (General Health Questionnaire*28 (GHQ*28).
Findings: Mexican journalists had higher scores on the avoidance (p=0.01), arousal (p=0.0001), but not intrusion (p=0.29) scales of the IES*R. They had higher scores on the BDI*II (p=0.0001) and anxiety (p=0.0001), somatic (p=0.0001) and social dysfunction (p=0.01) subscales of the GHQ*28.
Practical implications: Mexican journalists targeted by drug cartels have more psychopathology than journalists who cover war. News organisations that employ journalists in this line of work therefore need to be aware of this and have a mechanism in place to provide treatment, when needed. Originality/value: This is the first study to directly explore the psychological effects of violence on local journalists who do not cover war, but nevertheless live and work in areas of grave danger." (Abstract)
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