"Roots of the New Arab Film deals with the generation of filmmakers from across North Africa and the Middle East who created an international awareness of Arab film from the mid-1980s onwards. These seminal filmmakers experienced the moment of national independence first-hand in their youth and reta
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ined a deep attachment to their homeland. Although these aspiring filmmakers had to seek their training abroad, they witnessed a time of filmic revival in Europe - Fellini and Antonioni in Italy, the French New Wave, and British Free Cinema. Returning home, these filmmakers brought a unique insider/outsider perspective to bear on local developments in society since independence, including the divide between urban and rural communities, the continuing power of traditional values and the status of women in a changing society. As they made their first films back home, the feelings of participation in a worldwide movement of new, independent filmmaking was palpable." (Publisher description)
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"Very few international news organisations routinely cover humanitarian affairs. Only 12 news outlets reported on all four of the humanitarian events we analysed in 2016. Because of the high costs of producing regular, original journalism on humanitarian issues, commercial news organisations do not
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usually cover humanitarian issues, with the exception of major ‘emergencies’. Most humanitarian journalism is now funded by states or private foundations. This is worrying because claiming that particular actors or activities are ‘humanitarian’ is a powerful form of legitimacy. It is important that media about the suffering does not become a vehicle for commercial or political interests. A major challenge of foundation funding is its unsustainable nature, as most foundations want to provide start-up money, rather than giving ongoing support. Meanwhile government funding can constrain where and how humanitarian reporting takes place because of foreign policy objectives and diplomatic tensions." (Executive summary)
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"Jamal Khashoggi is known for his very sharp critics to Saudi Arabian Governments. He was murdered at the Consulate facility of Saudi Arabia in Istanbul-Turkey. The case has become a concern of international society, put the questions of freedom of expression and press as well the security of journa
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list. This article is a normative legal research that is aimed to analyze the international human rights law’s protection to the journalist's activities and to discuss the case of Khashoggi, specifically on the issue which authorities that have obligations to impose legal sanctions to the alleged perpetrators. The research suggests that there have been international human rights norms and principles that protect journalist activities. In addition, it suggests that Turkey has jurisdiction to launch an investigation and prosecute the perpetrators who involve in the murder of Jamal Khashoggi." (Abstract)
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"La propagande de guerre de l'EI adopte les codes des genres cinématographiques afin de fictionnaliser le fait guerrier et dissimuler l'fenvers du décors. Cette fantasmagorie surréaliste fonctionne selon un double regime de fascination et de stimulation des pulsions de mort qui ont pour effet de
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susciter des vocations djihadistes. Le pan institutionnel de la propagande de l'EI se presente plutot comme un discours rationnel en adoptant le reportage comme régime d'fecriture de la vérité. Cette caution de transparence d'fun Etat-providence, équitable et qui offre toutes les bonnes conditions de vie masque l'entreprise totalitaire et les exactions institutionnalisees de l'EI et le présente comme un espace citoyen et familial. Ces deux genres de mises en scene sont sous-tendues par des protocoles de desinformation singuliers qui confortent leur efficacité. D'abord, le jeux avec l'énonciation qui ne permet pas de déceler un message clair et principal dans les vidéos de l'EI participe de l'ambigüité foncière de son discours et permet de l'interpréter de plusieurs manières possibles. Ensuite, l'estompage des temporalités et la confusion géographique décontextualisent le propos et rendent possible la désinformation des recepteurs. En outre, la production de normes différenciées du djhad classique presente l'EI comme une nouvelle utopie et rend son idéologie extensible a de nouveaux publics. Enfin, l'association inextricable de registres disparates : le religieux et le politique, le transcendant et l'immanent, le réel et le discours sur le rél, le personnel et le collectif, etc. favorise l'identification d'un nombre plus grand de récepteurs au discours de l'EI. Tous ces procédés permettent à l'organisation de proposer des réponses adaptées à des publics dissemblables et ainsi recruter massivement. La désinformation est constitutive de tout discours de propagande mais la caractéristique inédite de celui de l'EI c'est cette hybridation des niveaux de significations hétérogènes qui rend son efficacité redoutable et qui nécessite, de ce fait, de l'examiner dans une recherche plus approfondie." (Conclusion)
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"This chapter sought to analyze the portrayals of Sinai people in the Egyptian media as it pertains to the people themselves. It started by giving the reader an overview of the current Sinai’s social, security, and economic status quo and structures. Then, it examined how image building could be o
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r not an essential tool for political control over Sinai; before moving into how and why specific people’s images are constructed and deconstructed by the mass media and how this is affecting and affected by the different and multiple aspects of development. While many Arabic and Western studies tackled the Sinai Peninsula issues, yet almost no single research focused on the people themselves: How they perceive their own identity?! How they evaluate their image in other Egyptian’s eyes?! And how they judge what is being presented to them via Egyptian media?! A quick glance at the development measures that could boost the integration of Sinai’s people into the formal Egyptian economy and provide alternatives to smuggling, we would easily realize that “the poor state of Egypt’s public finances and the myriad challenges facing the country as a whole could mean that the needs of the Sinai may continue to be neglected despite the promise to invest” (Watanabe 2015). Bright promises only follow almost every terroristic attack and then fade out. Although the officials quickly introduce many symbols and discourses of unity to the people there, quick observations more quickly show that the development of a sense of belonging at their popular level is slow." (Conclusion)
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"International development stakeholders harness communication with two broad purposes: to do good, via communication for development and media assistance, and to communicate do-gooding, via public relations and information. This book unpacks various ways in which different efforts to do good are com
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bined with attempts to look good, be it in the eyes of donor constituencies at large, or among more specific audiences, such as journalists or intra-agency decision-makers. Development communication studies have tended to focus primarily on interventions aimed at doing good among recipients, at the expense of examining the extent to which promotion and reputation management are elements of those practices. This book establishes the importance of interrogating the tensions generated by overlapping uses of communication to do good and to look good within international development cooperation." (Publisher description)
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"1. A la lumière de l’attrait du Mastère professionnel (MP) « cross-media » pour les étudiants comme pour les employeurs et d’autres expériences de concours sélectifs, l’ Institut de presse et des sciences de l’information (Ipsi) gagnerait à créer un MP majoritairement ouvert aux au
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tres filières, afin d’avoir le potentiel d’attirer l’excellence sur des profils formés par d’autres institutions ou universités du pays. 2. Les centres de formation au journalisme diplômants gagneraient à renforcer leur concours d’entrée, en diversifiant les épreuves et en incluant un oral destiné à valoriser la démarche professionnelle des candidats, comme c’est le cas en mastère. 3. Les centres de formation au journalisme diplômants devraient réfléchir à l’introduction d’une filière en horaires aménagés (cours du soir ou de fin de semaine), de manière à prendre en compte l’arrivée massive de professionnels en activité, notamment au niveau du mastère. Ces horaires aménagés supposeraient une réorganisation de la mise à disposition des équipements et des matériels." (Vingt-cinq pistes de réflexion, page 7)
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"This briefing summarises the proceedings of the third workshop in a project to stimulate dialogue between European and Arab stakeholders about European screen content for young children of Arab heritage who are living in Europe through forced migration." (Page 28)
"These are the background case notes complied for MEMO 2018.1: Challenging Truth and Trust: A Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation. For details on the methods behind this content analysis please see the methodology section of the report. This document contains data from over 500 s
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ources organized by country. The sources include high quality news articles, academic papers, white papers, and a range of other grey literature. As an annotated bibliography, the country cases here make use of significant passages from these secondary sources, and every effort has been made to preserve full citation details for future researchers. The full list of references can be found in our public Zotero folder, with each reference tagged with a country name." (Page 3)
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"The retrospection, which covers Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, and the United Arab Emirates, includes the following highlights: Internet penetration has increased in every country since 2013. The biggest increase occurred in Lebanon – from 58 percent to 91 percent in the la
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st five years; Smartphones are the ‘go-to’ device, connecting 97 percent of people to the internet as declining numbers of people (45 percent) rely on computers as their primary source of internet access; In terms of social media, fewer Arab national now use Facebook (74 percent) and Twitter (27 percent), while Instagram and Snapchat have risen to 40 percent and 29 percent respectively, due perhaps in part to the privacy these applications provide; Direct messaging is ubiquitous, with 97 percent of people using it; 47 percent of people send messages to group chats; Trust among Arab nationals in mass media is widespread, but figures have declined in several countries such as Tunisia (from 64 percent to 56 percent) and Qatar (from 69 percent to 64 percent); Most Gulf nationals say news media in their country is credible, but nationals elsewhere tend to disagree (Qataris are among the highest group in this respect with 62 percent saying their national media is credible, and Jordan among the lowest, at just 38 percent - down from 66 percent in 2013); At the same time, the belief that international news organizations are biased against the Arab World has grown. An average of 37 percent of Arab nationals thinks this." (https://www.qatar.northwestern.edu/news/articles/2018/05-mideast-media-retrospective.html)
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"Part of a €17 million EU-funded programme entitled “Media and Culture for Development in the Southern Mediterranean”, MedMedia was implemented in the Southern Mediterranean from January 2014 until May 2018. The MedMedia programme has given media policy makers, regulators, public service broad
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casters, journalists’ unions, media schools and human rights campaigners in the Southern Mediterranean a unique opportunity to act as catalysts for media sector reform in their region. MedMedia supported local stakeholders’ efforts to push forward media reform processes, sparked by the Arab Spring with a view to creating a regulatory environment supportive of media freedom and public trust in mainstream media outlets. It has offered access to expertise and know-how from both sides of the Mediterranean and has facilitated a mutual learning process between media institutions from the Southern Mediterranean. MedMedia’s activities were divided into three complementary components: capacity development for media professionals and institutions based on a bottom-up approach; networking activities involving decision makers and media practitioners; an overview of the media sector for decision-makers and practitioners across the region." (Page 4)
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"On 3 May 2016, the Declaration on Media Freedom in the Arab World (Declaration or Arab Declaration) was adopted at a groundbreaking event in Casablanca, Morocco, attended by over 100 delegates representing journalists’ unions, human rights campaigners and media groups from across the Arab World.
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The Declaration is historic for a number of reasons. Firstly, it represents the first comprehensive statement on media freedom rights in the Arab World. Secondly, the values it promotes reflect the highest international standards of media freedom and the protection of journalists’ rights. Thirdly and perhaps most importantly, since its adoption, a process has been underway to obtain formal recognition of the Declaration by Arab States, with the result that a growing number of these States are endorsing it. The Declaration, which includes a Preamble and 16 principles addressing different thematic issues relating to media freedom and the protection of journalists’ rights, is clear and self-evident. At the same time, declarations are, by definition, brief, focusing on setting out key principles and standards. This Explanatory Memorandum elaborates on the principles in the Declaration, providing background on the underlying international and regional standards from which they are drawn." (Page 1)
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"[This publication] seeks to create a deeper understanding of the role of media interventions as strategic drivers of impact on the ongoing Syrian crisis. In exploring the impact of media interventions in this context, we conducted a landscape scan and a review of programs and approaches conducted b
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y FilmAid, the nonprofit organization that collaborated with us on this paper. The landscape scan indicates the prevalence of awareness raising activities, with an emphasis on the goal of sustaining or increasing funding. The landscape of projects on Syria is not particularly diverse. Our analysis indicated first, a need for increased transparency in funding and program evaluation, and second, that there is a gap and opportunity in the field for community-centered and impact-driven communications. We analyzed FilmAid’s programs in Kenya and Jordan to understand how entities in the landscape might fill the market gap on community-led narrative. FilmAid’s work in Kenya is ongoing and the organization’s participatory approach has allowed the organization to build a profile as a trusted organization. By engaging the population in media creation in combination with strong media and audience-focused expertise, FilmAid has been able to increase knowledge on topics such as health, education, gender and cash-transfers. Based on interviewee insights on the use of strategic narrative interventions in conflict and crisis situations, particularly in long-term displacements and effective community- and impactdriven media interventions such as those in Kenya, we drew out guidance on what media interventions can offer to Syrian refugees as the crisis deepens and becomes a protracted complex emergency." (Executive summary)
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"The study concluded that women have faced and are still facing hindrances driven by gender-based discrimination that have limited their number, dimined their role as journalists and restricted their prospects of professional development. The percentage of women at media organisations is less than 2
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3%, while they almost have no presence in leadership positions, which are dominated by men. The key obstacles they face are: Media outlets do not cater for their needs as working women. They impose working-hour regimes and assignments that are not suitable for their social circumstances, and decline to install and nurseries for their children. 40% of respondents said their organizations did not support them to handle situations within their families and communities that restrict and obstruct their work as journalists; Discrimination against women at work in terms of opportunities, job benefits and rewarding performance financially and morally. 90% of respondents said that this discrimination obstructs the progress of women journalists’ careers and leads to an overwhelming frustration with their situation as working women; Discrimination against women by sources such as politicians and government officials, which creates an unfair professional rivalry between male and female journalists in pursuit of information; Rising rates of sexual harassment targeting women journalists verbally and physically, by male co-workers and bosses, during their field work or from sources. 45% of respondents said harassment has rendered the working environment threatening for women journalists, to the point where they might quit; Absence of clear-cut, deterrent laws and regulations that protect women journalists from discrimination and harassment, safeguard their rights and ensure them justice by holding perpetrators to account." (Executive summary)
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"The seemingly buzzing Lebanese media market is, in fact, controlled by only a few highly politicized owners that are either directly affiliated with political parties or belong to Lebanese dynasties. Additional threats to media pluralism arise from clear editorial lines defined by politics, close t
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ies among the dynasties, and a number of regulatory shortcomings." (http://www.mom-rsf.org/en/countries/Lebanon)
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"The first part of the report provides a general introduction to the definition of digital rights and what they entail, and surveys key UN resolutions that recognise the impact of the internet on human rights. The second part of the report examines the accessibility of the internet by Palestinians a
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s a basic human right, taking into consideration their geographical, judicial and administrative fragmentation and how this affects their access to the internet and information and communications technologies (ICTs). The third part maps the recent restrictions and violations of Palestinians’ digital rights by three governments: the Israeli government, the Fatah-led Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, and the de-facto Hamas administration in the Gaza Strip. It also looks into practices and policies of private tech companies and their impact on Palestinian digital rights. The fourth part pays special attention to the issue of gender and the internet, examining in particular Palestinian women's use of the internet and the threats of cybercrime and gender-based violence online." (Introduction)
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"The 43 country reports included in this year’s Global Information Society Watch (GISWatch) capture the different experiences and approaches in setting up community networks across the globe. They show that key ideas, such as participatory governance systems, community ownership and skills transfe
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r, as well as the “do-it-yourself” spirit that drives community networks in many different contexts, are characteristics that lend them a shared purpose and approach. The country reports are framed by eight thematic reports that deal with critical issues such as the regulatory framework necessary to support community networks, sustainability, local content, feminist infrastructure and community networks, and the importance of being aware of “community stories” and the power structures embedded in those stories." (Back cover)
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"The study reveals key aspects of digital connectivity in the lives of refugees at the Ritsona camp in Greece in January 2017. Of the approximately 750 residents of the camp, 135 adults were sampled and interviewed [...] Mobile phone access is 'important' to over 80% of refugees in this study. Women
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are less likely to own a mobile phone than men - 94% of men own a phone, compared to 67% of women [...] Approximately 2 of every 5 refugees participating in this study may be classified as moderately to severely depressed according to the validated depression scale used in the survey. Women have a higher probability of being moderately to severely depressed compared to men (58% v. 34%) [...] Many refugees have a unique sense of the people and platforms they would or would not trust with their sensitive information. Thirty-three percent (33%) said they have been asked to provide information about themselves that they would rather not have given. Eighty-six percent (86%) said they would not be concerned about giving their personal information to a UN official. Yet for Facebook, 30% expressed concern about giving the social media site their personal information, 52% were unconcerned, and 15% were unsure." (Key findings, page 5-6)
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"This rapid review synthesises data from academic, policy and NGO sources on the role media can play in creating/easing tensions between refugees and the host community, and within the host community itself. Acknowledging the importance media can play in perceptions, and considering the confessional
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and political nature of the media, the review also maps the media/social media in Lebanon and highlights some successes in utilising media to ease tensions. Key findings are as follows: Due to the Lebanese media being party-controlled or linked it has a political message and focuses on one confessional group, therefore it is often negative towards refugees and Lebanese citizens from other confessions, thus creating tensions. In a survey carried out in 2016 by UNHCR 29% of the Lebanese respondents highlighted that media has a strong impact on the perception of refugees. More than two thirds of the respondents acknowledged that discussions in the media trigger reactions against refugees, and that the Lebanese media reports negative stories about refugees (Alsharabati, 2017: 15-16). In a discourse analysis of Lebanese media conducted in February 2015, topics that can be perceived as viewing refugees in a negative light formed the majority of the reporting and also often had a negative tone. However, humanitarian stories about refugees were also reported, often in a positive tone (Sakada et al., 2015). In 2013 a UNDP-led pact, entitled "Journalists' Pact for Strengthening Civil Peace in Lebanon", was signed by 34 media institutions. The idea behind the pact was to create more ethics in Lebanese journalism, enhance neutrality, depoliticise reporting, increase accuracy, and create responsibility for reporting." (Overview, page 2)
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