"This joint report from OpenMinds and the Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab) analyzes the activity of a network of 3,634 automated accounts that posted pro-Russian comments on Telegram channels between January 2024 and April 2025 targeting Ukrainian populations inside Russian-occupied territorie
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s. These accounts crafted tailored messages to target the occupied territories, differentiating their content from that aimed at other audiences across Russia and Ukraine. Our investigation found that automated Telegram comments targeting local audiences in Ukraine fell into three overarching categories: pro-Russian propaganda, anti-Ukrainian propaganda, and abstract anti-war messaging and calls for peaceful coexistence. Individual narratives were often tailored to respond to current events and changes in local conditions, such as power or water outages, but there was also evidence of proactive narratives initiated by the network unrelated to external events.
The bot network used similar messaging when targeting channels based in Russia; however, a significantly larger share of comments targeting the occupied territory channels emphasized positive portrayals of Russian culture and government. Across the sixty-nine narrative themes identified (see appendix), the bot network pushed essentially the same menu of talking points in both Russia-wide and occupied territory channels. What differentiates the content aimed at the occupied territories from that aimed at a wider Russian audience is the proportion of talking points: themes that praised Russian culture, social services, and governance dominated in occupied territory-based channels, accounting for a markedly higher share of content than in Russia-based channels. The pattern points to an effort to cultivate the appearance of local consensus in favor of occupation and Russian administrative control, but not necessarily to create genuine agreement." (Executive summary)
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"The Trump administration’s freeze on U.S. foreign aid will lead to a surge in Russian disinformation across Eastern Europe, experts warn, as independent media outlets across the region will be forced to shutter, leaving a vacuum of credible information in their wake. “Russian disinfo will have
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it easier, just like they have it easier every time they or their allies manage to weaken another one of the counter-disinformation activities,” explained Jakub Kalensky, deputy director of the Hybrid Influence community of interest at the European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats. “The Russians have made it clear they consider civil society their enemy; every effort to defund civil society is helping the Kremlin." (Introduction)
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"Covering a wide range of different online platforms, including social media sites and chatrooms, this volume is a comprehensive exploration of the current state of sociological and criminological scholarship focused on online deviance. Understanding deviance broadly, the handbook acknowledges both
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an objective normative approach and a subjective, reactivist approach to the topic, putting into sharp relief the distinctions between cybercrime and online deviance on the one hand, and wider concerns of online communities related to online deviance on the other. Divided into five sections, the first section is devoted primarily to scholarship about the theories and methods foundational to exploring online deviance. The second section, "Gender, Sex, and Sexuality", presents empirical research on expressions of gender, sex, and sexuality in online spaces considered deviant. The third section, "Violence and Aggression," highlights scholarship on types of violent communications such as hate speech and cyberstalking. The fourth section, "Communities and Culture," describes empirical research on online communities and networks that can be described as deviant by wider society. Lastly, the fifth section, "Regional Perspectives," highlights research in which a terrestrial location is impactful to the online phenomena studied." (Publisher description)
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"• Engagement with traditional media sources such as TV, print, and news websites continues to fall, while dependence on social media, video platforms, and online aggregators grows. This is particularly the case in the United States where polling overlapped with the first few weeks of the new Trum
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p administration. Social media news use was sharply up (+6pp) but there was no ‘Trump bump’ for traditional sources.
• Personalities and influencers are, in some countries, playing a significant role in shaping public debates. One-fifth (22%) of our United States sample says they came across news or commentary from popular podcaster Joe Rogan in the week after the inauguration, including a disproportionate number of young men. In France, young news creator Hugo Travers (HugoDécrypte) reaches 22% of under-35s with content distributed mainly via YouTube and TikTok. Young influencers also play a significant role in many Asian countries, including Thailand.
• News use across online platforms continues to fragment, with six online networks now reaching more than 10% weekly with news content, compared with just two a decade ago. Around a third of our global sample use Facebook (36%) and YouTube (30%) for news each week. Instagram (19%) and WhatsApp (19%) are used by around a fifth, while TikTok (16%) remains ahead of X at 12%.
• Data show that usage of X for news is stable or increasing across many markets, with the biggest uplift in the United States (+8pp), Australia (+6pp), and Poland (+6pp). Since Elon Musk took over the network in 2022 many more right-leaning people, notably young men, have flocked to the network, while some progressive audiences have left or are using it less frequently. Rival networks like Threads, Bluesky, and Mastodon are making little impact globally, with reach of 2% or less for news.
• Changing platform strategies mean that video continues to grow in importance as a source of news. Across all markets the proportion consuming social video has grown from 52% in 2020 to 65% in 2025 and any video from 67% to 75%. In the Philippines, Thailand, Kenya, and India more people now say they prefer to watch the news rather than read it, further encouraging the shift to personality-led news creators.
• Our survey also shows the importance of news podcasting in reaching younger, better-educated audiences. The United States has among the highest proportion (15%) accessing one or more podcasts in the last week, with many of these now filmed and distributed via video platforms such as YouTube and TikTok. By contrast, many northern European podcast markets remain dominated by public broadcasters or big legacy media companies and have been slower to adopt video versions.
• TikTok is the fastest growing social and video network, adding a further 4pp across markets for news and reaching 49% of our online sample in Thailand (+10pp) and 40% in Malaysia (+9pp). But at the same time people in those markets see the network as one of the biggest threats when it comes to false or misleading information, along with Facebook.
• Overall, over half our sample (58%) say they remain concerned about their ability to tell what is true from what is false when it comes to news online, a similar proportion to last year. Concern is highest in Africa (73%) and the United States (73%), with lowest levels in Western Europe (46%).
• When it comes to underlying sources of false or misleading information, online influencers and personalities are seen as the biggest threat worldwide (47%), along with national politicians (47%). Concern about influencers is highest in African countries such as Nigeria (58%) and Kenya (59%), while politicians are considered the biggest threat in the United States (57%), Spain (57%), and much of Eastern Europe." (Executive summary, page 10-11)
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"The story which The Traitors tells is pretty simple and well known to academic scholars who deal with the modern Russian state: it was corrupt from its inception and Putin’s regime is in no way an aberration, but smooth continuity of the Yeltsin system. The documentary precipitated a wave of slan
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derous assaults on ACF and Pevtchikh herself from the “liberal” wing of the Russian opposition outside and inside Russia. They range from obscenities to accusations of Bolshevism, left-wing extremism to collaboration with Putin’s regime. The Traitors broke the main Russian political taboo. In the 1990s, the country underwent a catastrophe of social, economic and political proportions. The 2002 census registered a natural population decline of 1.8 million since 1989. Public discussion about this period was, however, impossible as it could undermine both Putin and “liberal” opposition." (Page 1)
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"This article examines Russia’s practice of the ban introduced by the so-called ‘fake news laws’ during the war against Ukraine. It blends doctrinal legal with discourse analysis to study how and why Russian courts have applied the laws, which epistemology of knowledge they have constructed wh
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ile limiting fake news about the war and what implications this has for freedom of expression and public debate of the war within Russia. The dataset covers 446 Russian court decisions from 2022 to 2023. A historical approach is utilised to discuss the results in connection to the Soviet Communist ideology. The article argues that Russian courts have used the laws to make truth in Russia conditional and loyalty unconditional, actualising the Soviet principles of ‘partyness’, ‘objectivity’ and ‘scientificalness’. It demonstrates how courts construct a mythologised reality about the ‘imaginary’ ‘military operation’ to help the government monopolise the public debate and misrepresent the war against Ukraine within Russia." (Abstract)
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"Die Sowjetdiktatur war von Staatsverbrechen kaum vorstellbaren Ausmaßes geprägt. Insbesondere gilt dies für die Periode von der Oktoberrevolution 1917 bis zum Tod Josef Stalins 1953: Sie umfasst den Bürgerkrieg, die sogenannten Säuberungen, das Gulag-System und zahlreiche weitere Akte massiver
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staatlicher Gewalt und Willkür. Auf welche Weise wurde der Verbrechen in der Sowjetunion und im postsowjetischen Russland gedacht? Der Philologe und Kulturwissenschaftler Nikolai Epplée zeichnet den Umgang mit diesen Staatsverbrechen von 1953 bis 2019 nach. Er legt dar, dass sich in Russland nie eine kritische Erinnerung an die Verbrechen etablieren konnte, welche die Verantwortlichkeiten aufarbeitet und daraus Konsequenzen für die Zukunft zieht. Zwar gründeten sich zahlreiche zivilgesellschaftliche Initiativen, die sich für neue Formen des Gedenkens einsetzten und diese erprobten. In den vergangenen Jahren unter der Herrschaft Wladimir Putins seien diese jedoch zunehmender Repression bis hin zum Verbot ausgesetzt worden. Gleichzeitig erfuhr der Diktator Stalin eine Rehabilitierung in Namen einer heroisch ausgerichteten, für politische Zwecke instrumentalisierten Nationalgeschichtsschreibung. Der Autor zeigt auf, wie in anderen Ländern - in Argentinien, Spanien, Südafrika, Polen, Deutschland und Japan - Staatsverbrechen in der eigenen Vergangenheit aufgearbeitet wurden. Er versucht daraus Schlüsse für einen Umgang mit der verbrecherischen Vergangenheit in Russland zu ziehen, der auch Konsequenzen für die Gegenwart und Zukunft der russischen Gesellschaft hätte." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Key findings: Critical role of local media in addressing specific population needs, compared with national media which is increasingly seen as painting a false picture of reality. Audiences on the frontline feel excluded from national discourse. Ukrainians (57%) use local Telegram channels more tha
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n traditional media sources: only 34% often follow national media, and 38% often follow local media. Audiences express a deep need for positive news, such as culture, sports, leisure, and “dream projects.” Strong demand for inclusive dialogue between authorities and citizens, particularly on the use of public funds and tracking reconstruction projects. Internally displaced people (IDPs) and Russian-speaking Ukrainians are not perceived as potential sources of local tension." (Page 2)
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"This handbook critically analyzes cross-border news production and "transnational journalism cultures" in the evolving field of cross-border journalism. As the era of the internet hasfurther expanded the border-transcending production, dissemination and reception of news, and with transnational co-
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operations like the European Broadcasting Union and BBC World News demonstrating different kinds of cross-border journalism, the handbook considers the field with a range of international contributions. It explores cross-border journalism from conceptual and empirical angles and includes perspectives on the the systemic contexts of cross-border journalism, its structures and routines, changes in production processes, and the shifting roles of actors in digital environments. It examines cross-border journalism across regions and concludes with discussions on the future of cross-border journalism, including the influence of automation, algorithmisation, virtual reality and AI." (Publisher description)
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"For Russian civil society as well as for Western reporting independent exiled media are playing a central role: These media are a unique and precious voice that can still make its way to Russian audiences. They are also the foundation of Western reporting on Russia – without them, many internatio
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nal media would struggle to keep up with what is happening in the secretive state. Indeed, recognizing this, they are eager to partner with Russian colleagues on especially high-impact stories: intelligence or disinformation operations in the West, for example. While Russian authorities are building a toolbox for censorship – not just for themselves, but for despotic regimes across the world – Russian exiled media are investing in anti-censorship technologies to fight it. Despite their comparatively small resources and size, they have developed a wide range of innovative digital solutions – from blocking resilient magic links to browser extensions that counter YouTube slowdowns [...] With just a fraction of the budget being spent to silence them, Russia’s exiled independent media have shown that they can not just withstand the new censorship regime, but also to create tools and blueprints that can serve their colleagues in other parts of the world. But they remain vulnerable, and deserve both more stable support and support from a wider range of stakeholders – including Big Tech companies. This report presents the state of the Russian media market as it enters a new, even darker phase, as well as an overview of the media that are fighting back. Hopefully, it can serve to re-energize support, rather than simply serving as a warning of potentially far more serious – and costly – challenges to come if the issues are not addressed now." (Page 1)
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"A Saudi-led coalition of states initiated an on-going-armed conflict in Yemen on 26 March 2015. Meanwhile, Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Though no two armed conflicts are exactly alike, there is reason to compare US media coverage of the two because: (1) civilians have been victims of
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both conflicts; (2) both conflicts have undermined food security; (3) the US has provided military support to a party to each of the conflicts; and (4) the conflict in Yemen is in the Global South whereas the conflict in Ukraine is in the Global North. This article comparatively analyses US media coverage of the conflicts in Yemen and Ukraine, via New York Times headlines, by documenting the number of stories and their placement; assessing the types of media frames used; reviewing headlines for attribution of responsibility; and conducting a content analysis to identify the descriptive and normative terminology used. We find extensive biases in coverage and framing, rooted in peripheralism, culturalism and differential geopolitical US positioning. This results in reduced coverage of the war in Yemen, shielded in neutral language and lacking responsibility attribution—serving to devalue the suffering of victims and condemning the crisis to be functionally forgotten." (Abstract)
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"Carole Grimaud propose une plongée au cour de la complexité des processus de réception médiatique dans un contexte où la perception et l'interprétation des informations sont soumises à une incertitude palpable. À travers une approche interdisciplinaire, cet ouvrage explore les dynamiques so
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us-jacentes à la formation des représentations et des croyances chez les récepteurs. En s'appuyant sur une étude qualitative approfondie, cette recherche analyse les influences exercées par les médias, les processus cognitifs impliqués dans le traitement de l'information et les mécanismes de régulation cognitive et métacognitive, offrant ainsi une vision nuancée des réactions du public face à la surmédiatisation de la guerre en Ukraine. Ce livre donne des clés de compréhension essentielles pour appréhender les enjeux de la réception médiatique en période de crise." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Free journalism is indispensable for monitoring the actions of political representation, holding it accountable, exposing the misuse of power, and defending public interests. Fulfilling these roles assumes that journalists can do their job and pursue public-interest stories to the best of their abi
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lities without fear of retaliation. In this chapter, building on the Media Pluralism Monitor data, we discuss the key issues of concern related to the journalists' safety, focusing on the attacks in the offline and online environment and the political elite's hostile criticism of the media. We analyse these issues in the context of Greece, Slovakia, and Spain, which share several common features regarding their media environment. Yet, these countries differ in risks to journalists' safety. We find, however, that despite different risk levels, the safety of journalists has been deteriorating in all three countries over the years. These findings have important implications for policymakers." (Abstract)
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"The 2024 Europe and Eurasia Vibrant Information Barometer (VIBE) covers 18 countries throughout Europe, Eurasia, and Central Asia. With VIBE, IREX strives to capture a modern and evolving media space where people are simultaneously producers, transmitters, consumers, and actors in the information t
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hat influences their lives and environments. This year’s edition focuses on the media and information space across the countries in the study during calendar year 2023, capturing the impact of the second year of the Kremlin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, along with other issues related to the work of media like the lack of gender equity within the media sectors and issues with how gender is covered throughout the region." (Executive summary, page 7)
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"This article scrutinizes Russian state-run TV narratives over critical junctures – before the 2013 Euromaidan protests, the annexation of Crimea in 2014, and the periods leading up to and following the 2022 invasion – to illuminate how political agendas, historical narratives, and public percep
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tion intersect. The authors reveal the Russian political elite’s strategic shaping of narratives, influencing collective memory and swaying public opinion on the Ukraine crisis. The significance of the conflict narrative and Russia’s position is underscored, as reflected in the evolving structure of news broadcasts. The image of Russian leaders as capable and reliable is amplified during conflicts, while Ukrainian counterparts are persistently portrayed negatively. The media constructs an identity narrative that elevates Russian leaders and disparages Western counterparts post-crisis, mirroring geopolitical tensions. The framing of Ukraine’s narrative with WWII terminology is analyzed, highlighting attempts to deflect blame onto the West. This comprehensive study elucidates the subtle complexities of media narratives and their pivotal role in geopolitics and international relations." (Abstract)
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