"The authors engage with a range of cross-disciplinary perspectives in order to explore the actions of a vigilant digital audience — denunciation, shaming, doxing — and to consider the role of the press and other public figures in supporting or contesting these activities. In turn, the volume il
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luminates several tensions underlying these justice seeking activities — from their capacity to reproduce categorical forms of discrimination, to the diverse motivations of the wider audiences who participate in vigilant denunciations. This timely volume presents thoughtful case studies drawn both from high-profile Anglo-American contexts, and from developments in regions that have received less coverage in English-language scholarship [China, Morocco, Russia and Slovenia]. It is distinctive in its focus on the contested boundary between policing and entertainment, and on the various contexts in which the desire to seek retribution converges with the desire to consume entertainment." (Back cover)
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"The issues of media ownership and Russian propaganda messaging remain an ongoing concern in Ukraine. Of the top 20 most-viewed TV channels in the country, almost all belong to the same people who top the list of Ukraine’s wealthiest oligarchs – Rinat Akhmetov, Viktor Pinchuk, Dmytro Firtash, Se
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rhiy Liovochkin, Ihor Kolomoisky, Petro Poroshenko and Viktor Medvedchuk – some of whom have close contacts with Russian political power. The same people who dominate the media in Ukraine also fund political parties and individual politicians." (Page 1)
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"Poland is one of the most Catholic countries in the world. 33 million out of its 38 million people (92.9% of its population) declare themselves to be Roman Catholic. Church initiatives for the needy, whether poor or immigrants, are everywhere. The Church is a robust and influential institution, str
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engthened by the pontificate of the Polish Pope, John Paul II, who is considered not only a saint but also a national hero. In many aspects, Poles could be put as an example for Catholics in other countries. But there is an issue in which the Church is not at the vanguard: the fight against sexual abuse. Recent cases have eroded the solid trust Polish people put in their Church. More recently, the documentary Tell No One, released in two parts in May 2019 and May 2020, was a turning point, and the confidence in the institution visibly plummeted. This case study tells the recent story of the issue of sexual abuse by Catholic clergy in Poland, its lights and its shadows. The paper ends with some suggestions for a trust recovery strategy, as recommendations for both Church authorities and their communication offices." (Abstract)
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"Democratic nations around the globe are facing increasing levels of false and misleading information circulating on social media and news websites, propagating alternative sociopolitical realities. One of the most innovative actors in this process has been the Russian state, whose disinformation ca
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mpaigns have influenced elections and shaped political discourse globally. A key element of these campaigns is the content produced by state-funded outlets like RT and Sputnik, whose articles are republished by underfunded or sympathetic local media, as well as coordinated groups that attempt to shape mainstream political narratives. Using a tailored text-as-data approach, we examine the thematic and linguistic differences in articles produced by U.S. and Russian state-funded and mainstream outlets in Serbia. We use 11 features (frames and in-text characteristics) to construct an article country-source classifier with a high degree of accuracy. The article contributes toward an understanding of the structural characteristics of Russian statefunded news in the Western Balkans, enhances the application of computational text analysis in Serbian, and provides suggestions for the application of text-as-data methods to the study of online disinformation." (Abstract)
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"The book examines 13 years of journalists' struggles for independence and meaning as they weigh their professional goals and community obligations against their growing dependence on local elite. Russia's sub-national levels - its provinces and communities -- remain understudied but important. Loca
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l newspapers are the only means by which news reaches many rural Russians, and Russia's "heartland" regions are a significant source of support for the current national regime." (Publisher description)
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"In early 2020 hromadske reached a crisis point. Despite many successes achieved over 7 years of existence the organization was struggling motivation was low, staff turnover was high, previously set goals seemed irrelevant or unrealistic. The path forward was unclear. From March to September 2020 hr
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omadske embarked on a journey to recreate its organizational structure, operations, planning and team management, the revenue model … basically everything related to setting and realizing goals. Such transformations are rare in the media industry. Big changes in how things are done can be perceived as an admission of past mistakes or failures something that doesn’t sit well for many managers in our image conscious industry. More importantly, media transformations over focus on the visible part the journalism. But problems in editorial are often a symptom of deeper issues. hromadske decided to “pop the hood” and dig into the organization’s engine starting from the basics. The present document aims to provide a preliminary template for other media contemplating radical change, that we hope will be further developed by other media organizations going through similar issues. It lays out the challenges we faced, what we did to resolve them, and the lessons we learned along the way. We hope it will provide some insights and guidance." (Page 1)
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"All six reports find that misinformation is prevalent, yet the channels used for distribution of such content are somewhat different. The misinformation landscape in Serbia, for example, is dominated by mainstream media outlets. Small misinformation websites simply cannot compete with “misinforma
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tion giants” like the tabloid newspaper Blic. In Bosnia & Herzegovina, mainstream media are also the main sources of misinformation. Among the alternative sources of misinformation, the most common are “anonymous, for-profit websites offering no true journalistic value.” The mainstream media in Hungary are also known as propaganda and misinformation channels. In addition to them, however, the Hungarian report uncovered large independent networks of misinformation websites. In Slovakia, misinformation websites are run by “multiple independent entities” whereas in Moldova, misinformation is spread through mainstream media and, distinctively, through Russian misinformation websites." (Introduction, page 1)
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"Given the size and scope of the Russian propaganda campaign that targeted the U.S. electorate in 2016, it is critical to understand both the impact of that campaign and the mechanisms that can reduce the impact of future campaigns. This report, the third in a four-part series, describes a study con
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ducted by RAND researchers to assess how people react to and engage with Russia’s online propaganda and to determine whether the negative effects of that engagement can be mitigated by brief media literacy advisories or by labeling the source of the propaganda. Russia targets the extremes on both sides of the political divide, and a short media literacy video and labeling intervention were both shown to reduce willingness among particular categories of participants (defined by news consumption habits) to “like” the propaganda. This is one of the first studies to show that Russian propaganda content works, at least partially, as it is intended to—that is, it successfully elicits strong partisan responses that may help it exacerbate divisions in American society. For certain audiences, the content is also likeable and sharable. This study is among the first to use actual Russian propaganda in a randomized controlled trial." (Back cover)
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"RT (formerly, Russia Today) is one of the most important organizations in the global political economy of disinformation. It is the most richly funded, well-staffed, formal organization in the world producing, disseminating, and marketing news in the service of the Kremlin. It is an agency accused
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of many things, but little is known about all the creative work involved in financing, governing, training, and motivating RT’s activities. To understand more about the production of political news and information by RT, we investigate its organizational behavior through in-depth interviews of current and former staff. Our data show that RT is an opportunist channel that is used as an instrument of state defense policy to meddle in the politics of other states. The channel has been established in the shadows of the Soviet media system and its organizational behavior is characterized by Soviet-style controls." (Abstract)
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"As we can see, disinformation can be spread by ordinary responsible individuals with good intentions as well as by, dare I say, entire bot nations consisting of millions of active bot accounts that reach all possible audiences of any age, gender, and interests. And for any audiences that haven't be
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en reached yet, Google and Facebook services provide updates on the nation's browsing patterns that inspire more disinformation stories to trigger emotional response from Ukrainians or subvert the society as a whole. The situation gets worse when, instead of creating a clear and transparent information policy and fighting disinformation, government officials, public officers, civil servants, and decision-makers inadvertently become disinformation generators, and politicians spread false and speculative information. Political engagement of the Ukrainian society and continuous efforts to engage audiences in politics and divert their attention by fear mongering are embraced by bot armies that, either for money or interest, feed disinformation even to the people with basic critical thinking skills. The line between true and fake information becomes diluted as verification requires additional time and special skills." (Conclusion)
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"In Deutschland wollen RT Deutsch, Sputnik mit SNARadio, Ruptly und die neuen Internet-Firmen Maffick Media und Redfish eine Gegenöffentlichkeit zu den aus ihrer Sicht manipulierten deutschen Medien schaffen. Dabei präsentieren sie sich als unabhängige Alternative. Dies entspricht aber nicht den
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Tatsachen: Diese Medien werden aus dem russischen Staatshaushalt finanziert und sind organisatorisch in das vom Kreml kontrollierte Mediennetzwerk eingebunden. Diese Sprachrohre des Kremls verbreiten seine Positionen und Narrative [...] Die Bundesregierung spricht das Problem der hybriden Kriegsführung kaum öffentlich an, obwohl der Bundestag 2015 und Bundesministerien 2018 „mit an Sicherheit grenzender Wahrscheinlichkeit“184 Opfer von Cyberabgriffen des russischen Geheimdienstes GRU wurden. Im Mai 2020 wurde ein Haftbefehl gegen einen russischen Hacker erlassen, der im Auftrag des GRU das IT-System des Bundestags angegriffen haben soll [...] Die Nutzerzahlen von RT Deutsch und der Social Media Plattform In the Now zeigen, dass sich das Auditorium dynamisch entwickelt und einige etablierte Online-Medien überholt wurden. Auch für die „Trollfabrik“ genannte Agentur Internet Analyse ist Deutschland eines der wichtigsten Ziele. Russische Narrative werden täglich von tausenden Nutzern in Deutschland konsumiert. Die genannten Beispiele zur tendenziösen und teils falschen Berichterstattung belegen: Die russischen Medien sind eine Waffe im Informationskrieg." (Resümee, Seite 21)
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"Top influencers are Ulana Suprun, Yanina Sokolova, and Serhiy Prytula. Most influential nonprofit organizations are the educational platforms Osvita.ua and Promotheus. Individual personalities are more influential than organizations. National platforms are more influential than regional platforms.
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Central and Western Ukraine are most engaged in discussions of national identity, socio-economic opportunity, youth civic issues, while Southern and Eastern Ukraine are less active." (Key findings, page 1)
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"This article investigates how news professionals in a nondemocratic regime rationalize their institutional roles and daily reporting practices, negotiate boundaries of their work, and make sense of their professional activities. This study used qualitative interviewing to explore personal experienc
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es, perceived practices, and opinions of Belarusian journalists and media experts. When addressing the gap between their understanding of normative roles and describing their actual practices, journalists provided such rationalizations as personal beliefs and motivations, risks, internal conflict, and professional deformation, as well as attempts to find middle ground. News practitioners in autocratic regimes often expand boundaries of press freedom with civic courage by reporting critically of government policies and taking risks when public interests are at stake. In addition, the study highlights that certain restrictions lead to a more disciplined professional culture of journalists as thorough fact-checking is necessary to avoid penalties enforced by government offices." (Abstract)
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"The aim of the study is to investigate Estonian female journalists’ experiences with harassment resulting in self-censorship. We carried out three studies: one in 2015, a second in 2016 and a third one in 2018. The data were gathered by in-depth interviews (2015 and 2018), journalists’ diaries
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(2015) and a questionnaire (2016). The sample consisted of eight sports journalists (2015), 12 female journalists from different fields (2018) and 181 respondents (115 female, 66 male, 2016). The results of the three studies revealed that comments made towards female journalists aimed at degrading their authority (emphasizing age, experience or gender); and argued that female journalists should work elsewhere or find a more “female” profession. Female journalists did not read comments on their stories not only because of the lack of time, but to avoid harassment and insults. Secondly, to avoid harassment from sources or audiences, journalists showed signs of self-censorship as they avoided writing on topics that bring along more attention, such as refugees, minority groups, and corruption cases, or avoided writing on topics that include sources with whom they have had negative experiences." (Abstract)
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