"Ce rapport a constaté une baisse vertigineuse de 1,3 point de pourcentage du produit intérieur brut (PIB) global associé aux coupures d’Internet en juin 2023. Cela se traduit grosso modto par une perte de 76,8 millions de dollars américains (46,86 milliards de francs CFA). Cette perte a princ
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ipalement affecté le secteur des services, qui a subi à lui seul une perte de 5,26 millions de dollars américains (3,23 milliards de francs CFA).
En outre, les marchés financiers ont subi une grande partie des impacts des interruptions, les résultats suggérant que près de 1,43 milliard de dollars américains (871,5 milliards de francs CFA) ont été perdus en capitalisation boursière pendant la période des coupures d’Internet, ce qui représente près de 12 % de la valeur totale de la BRVM à l’époque.
La baisse la plus significative, cependant, semble être tirée par le secteur des exportations, avec une perte substantielle de la valeur des échanges et des volumes qui semblent liés aux coupures d’Internet. Bien que nous ne puissions pas établir de causalité directe, l’analyse des indicateurs économiques complets suggère que la valeur globale des exportations a diminué de 0,6 point de pourcentage, ce qui se traduit par une perte substantielle de près de 2,46 milliards de dollars américains (1,505 trillion de francs CFA). En outre, le volume des exportations du port de Dakar a diminué de 3,93 points de pourcentage, ce qui a entraîné une perte d’environ 42 350 tonnes de marchandises exportées à la suite des coupures d’Internet.
Ces résultats suggèrent que les impacts des interruptions ont une grande portée et qu’ils affectent certains secteurs plus que d’autres. Les résultats de l’enquête révèlent que l’interruption des paiements représente un défi important pour une économie confrontée à une coupure d’Internet. Les estimations de l’impact économique des coupures d’Internet sur le secteur financier confirment cet argument. Il est essentiel que la communauté internationale comprenne mieux ces conséquences économiques afin de faire pression sur les gouvernements pour qu’ils cessent d’avoir recours aux coupures d’Internet et qu’ils mettent en place des dispositifs visant à protéger les économies locales contre d’éventuelles perturbations à l’avenir." (Résumè, page 3)
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"Our richly illustrated volume takes a multifaceted approach to the giant continent of Africa, transcending prejudices and stereotypes through cultural history and contemporary art, constant shifts in perspective, and artistic diversity: human history encounters the colonial past and the omnipresenc
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e of Africa in countless regions of the world. On the one hand, surprising views of Africa are presented from Europe. On the other hand, works and installations created locally by Africans or members of the diaspora present ideas, impulses, and identities that all mean Africa. The texts illuminate the broad temporal arc from the first humans to Pan-Africanism and Afrofuturism and also offer literary and philosophical narratives. Artists: Dele Adeyemo, John Akomfrah, James Gregory Atkinson, Sammy Baloji, Arébénor Basséne, Memory Biwa, María Magdalena Campos-Pons, Catpc, Omar Victor Diop, Sokari Douglas Camp, William Kentridge, Kongo Astronauts, Susana Pilar Delahanta Mantienzo, Roméo Mivekannin, Zanele Muholi, Josèfa Ntjam, Kaloki Nyamai, Emeka, Ogboh, Zineb Sedira, Sandra Seghir, Yinka Shonibare, The Singh Twins, Géraldine Tobe, Kara Walker, Carrie Mae Weems." (Publisher description)
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"Over the past eight years or more there have been a wide range of projects to support the African book industries and the book sector generally. This has included a series of ambitious ‘action plans’ that followed a number of high-level conferences held in Africa. This investigation offers a su
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mmary of initiatives in progress, and their current status. Together with an inventory of past projects and reference resources designed to support African publishing and the book sector (1969-2024)." (Abstract)
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"About three-quarters (76%) of Batswana say the media should "constantly investigate and report on government mistakes and corruption." A similar share (77%) insist on media freedom, while 20% say the government should have the right to prevent the publication of things it disapproves of. In particu
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lar, strong majorities endorse the proposition that specific types of information be made publicly available, including information regarding budgets and expenditures for local government councils (88%) and bids and contracts for government-funded projects or purchases (88%). Half (50%) of those surveyed support making the salaries of teachers and local government officials public. About half (49%) say the country's media is "somewhat free" or "completely free" to report and comment on the news without government interference. Radio is the most popular source of news in Botswana, used at least "a few times a week" by two-thirds (67%) of citizens. Social media (47%) and television (41%) beat out the Internet (36%) and newspapers (29%) as regular news sources." (Key findings)
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"Across 39 countries surveyed in 2021/2023, a majority of Africans express support for public access to information such as local government budgets, local government bids and contracts, and even the salaries of public officials and teachers. But although demand for public information is high, few c
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itizens think they could obtain such information. While public officials may argue in favour of keeping information secret, the data show that access to information is strongly associated with perceptions of corruption and trust: Citizens are more likely to view their elected leaders as corrupt, and less likely to trust them, in countries where access to information is perceived to be difficult." (Summary, Pages 1-2)
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"The study seeks to understand consumers’ and decisionmakers’ perspectives on how current entertainment media treats themes of faith, religion and spirituality in its narratives and characters, if there is a market for more accurate and diverse representation of faith, and what opportunities exi
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st for improving these portrayals. HarrisX surveyed nearly 10,000 entertainment consumers across 11 countries as well as 30 in-depth interviews with entertainment industry leaders. Consumers say they learn about other religions through entertainment and see the potential for faith-inclusive content to create understanding and dialogue in society. Yet, respondents share that when they see their religion or faith - and others - included in mainstream entertainment, they feel it’s often sensationalized or that the portrayal leans on stereotypes. Similarly, entertainment industry professionals also highlighted an opportunity to reach and connect with an underserved audience. They noted that producing this content not only represents a good business opportunity, but also provides the opportunity to demystify what consumers know about other faiths and create understanding between people of different belief systems." (Introduction)
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"This study explores self-visual presentation practices by female political candidates on Facebook during Kenya’s political campaigns that culminated in the national elections of 2022. The unit of analysis is the Facebook profile image of the women leaders. Image-centrism is operationalized as the
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extent to which ‘the image’ becomes the primary mode of self-presentation in political communication discourse. The study adopts a social semiotic approach to image interpretation postulated by Roland Barthes (1972) and Kress and van Leeuwen (1996). Using Kress and van Leeuwen’s approach, images are studied as ‘linguistic codes’ that have their own ‘grammatical’structure. Barthes’s approach explores the cultural dimension of the images. The argument here is that visual communication is context-bound, and the theoretical premise laid is that politics is given direction, shape, and impetus by the culture of a people. In order to understand visual political communication in Kenya, therefore, the study analyses and interprets images from the lens of the wider African cultural contexts within which this communication takes place. The overarching questions in this study include: a) How did female politicians in Kenya strategically use Facebook images for self-representation during the political campaigns in 2022? b) How have women politicians in Kenya interwoven cultural ideology with visual political communication on their Facebook pages? The ultimate conclusion is that political images not only serve as discourses for communicating political ideas and making political statements, but they also serve as self-representation modes as well as cultural manifestation codes that illuminate specific societal concepts." (Abstract)
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"The media sector expanded after the multiparty system’s reintroduction in the 1990s in Malawi. The growth has been enabled by a legal environment in which the Constitution guarantees freedom of expression and the press. The Constitution is the supreme law of the land, meaning that all the laws th
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at contradict or are inconsistent with it are invalid. There are no formal restrictions on media freedom in the country. Successive government administrations have proudly stated that no journalist in Malawi has been persecuted for doing their journalistic work. While it is technically correct that no journalist has been prosecuted for their work, in this chapter, I argue that journalists still face different types of harassment on the government’s watch. Forms of harassment include arbitrary arrests and detentions and verbal and physical attacks by political party supporters, the police, members of parliament, and cabinet ministers. Although most attacks on journalists and media institutions happen in plain sight, sometimes, in the presence of the state President, not a single perpetrator of violence has been held to account for their actions. Using key informant interviews with journalists, MISA Malawi National Director and MISA Malawi annual reports document the harassment of journalists in the country. I argue that although media freedoms are guaranteed in the law, the failure to apprehend perpetrators of violence against journalists is akin to the approval of violence by the government, which has the responsibility to uphold the tenets of the law to protect its citizens. Harassment of journalists with impunity amounts to outsourced repression, which has a chilling effect on journalists and their institutions; it undermines media freedom and democratic governance, which depends on informed citizens to participate in democratic processes effectively. I use public sphere theory, which recognises the media as a public forum, free of coercion, where citizens access information and engage in discussions and debate on issues of public interest." (Abstract)
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"This chapter discusses the safety measures that newsrooms should adopt to help fight various forms of harassment. The chapter comes against the background of previous studies having found that newsrooms are ill-prepared to address different forms of harassment. As a result, journalists are left wit
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h the burden of fighting threats on their own. This chapter outlines possible measures that newsrooms, government institutions, and media-related civil society organisations can possibly implement to help fight online and offline forms of harassment. Some of the possible solutions that have been put forward by this chapter include the setting up of the legal department within the newsrooms to help swiftly address cases of harassment and the need for an open and daily discussion on harassment so that victims can feel comfortable coming up in the open. Governments and civil society organisations should formulate harassment policies that newsrooms to be implemented by newsrooms." (Abstract)
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"The chapter explores the challenges associated with harassment for entry-level to mid-career journalists across South Africa’s hybrid media platforms. The study employed a qualitative methodology consisting of semi-structured interviews with 12 entry-level and mid-career journalists with industry
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experience ranging from one to six years. Our findings confirm previous studies from the Global South confirming the pervasiveness of sexual harassment in newsrooms. This study established that there is generally an unwillingness of mostly male-dominated management structures in dealing with reports of sexual harassment. Second, we found that journalists, who are sexually harassed by sources and or even by their managers, end up censoring themselves, delivering compromised work and ultimately stunting the democratic project in society. We also found that experiences of female journalists in South Africa specifically, and the Global South more broadly, are not distinct from experiences of harassment in the Global North. We argue that patriarchy seems to be the mainstay in the negative experiences of sexual harassment of women journalists across the globe, which ultimately often renders their voices mute. These findings suggest the need for policies to mitigate the harassment of journalists if their democratic role is to be sustained in South Africa." (Abstract)
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"This chapter addresses the issue of harassment in the media space in Mozambique. In fact, the issue of harassment of women in the media is a complex and multifaceted problem that can manifest in many ways. One aspect of this issue is the representation of women in media. Women are often objectified
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and portrayed in a sexualized manner in advertising, movies, TV shows, and other forms of media. This can contribute to a culture of sexism and misogyny, which can lead to harassment and violence against women. Another aspect of the issue is the harassment of women who work in the media industry. In general, women who work in journalism, broadcasting, and other media-related fields often face harassment and discrimination based on their gender. This can include sexual harassment, online harassment, and other forms of abuse. In recent years, there has been increased attention and discussion around these issues, with many women sharing their experiences of harassment and abuse in the media industry. This situation happens not only in countries of the Global North, but also in the South. To minimize the situation, some organizations have also taken steps to address the problem, including implementing policies and procedures to prevent and respond to harassment. One example of this is the limited representation of women in leadership positions within media organizations in Mozambique. In addition to that, this chapter shows that the situation of harassment against women in the media space seems to be a forgotten issue in Mozambique, as there is no debate on the subject or there are few reported cases." (Abstract)
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"Local journalists in South Sudan have faced enormous threats from security groups, politicians and powerful individuals in the country. These threats have made the work of the press difficult. Despite the precarious security situation, some journalists have had the courage to continue working in So
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uth Sudan but in a manner that minimises risks. While studies have been carried out on war and conflict reporting around the world, little attention has been paid to coping strategies for local journalists in South Sudan. This study sought to investigate threats, coping strategies and motivational factors for local journalists working in the private media houses in the country. A qualitative approach with emphatic in-depth interviews was purposively used to obtain data from 21 respondents including reporters and editors from seven media houses in Juba. The findings show that journalists face threats including arbitrary arrests, intimidation and incarceration. Others have been beaten, tortured and in some cases murdered. To continue doing their professional jobs, journalists in private media institutions have applied well-planned coping strategies as a means of protection. These strategies include self-censorship, publishing of threats via mass media channels, use of institutional rules, self-consciousness and avoidance of sensitive stories, among others. The analysis of the data clearly demonstrated that motivational factors played a crucial role in the coping process at both institutional and individual levels because the journalists relied on journalistic principles as their basis to create context-relevant coping strategies." (Abstract)
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"A travers les 39 pays sondés en 2021/2023, la majorité des Africains sont favorables à l'accès du public à des informations telles que les budgets des collectivités locales, les appels d'offres et les contrats des collectivités locales, et même les salaires des fonctionnaires et des enseign
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ants. Cependant, même si la demande d'informations publiques est élevée, peu de citoyens pensent pouvoir obtenir ces informations. Si les fonctionnaires justifient le maintien du secret de l'information, les données montrent que l'accès à l'information est étroitement lié à la perception de la corruption et à la confiance : Les citoyens sont plus susceptibles de considérer leurs dirigeants élus comme corrompus et moins susceptibles de leur faire confiance dans les pays où l'accès à l'information est considérée difficile." (Résumé, Pages 1-2)
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"The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) is calling for proposals to support digital rights work across Africa. The current call is particularly interested in proposals for work related to: data governance including aspects of data localisation, cross-bord
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er data flows, biometric databases and digital ID; digital resilience for human rights defenders, other activists and journalists
Censorship and network disruptions; digital economy; digital inclusion including aspects of accessibility for persons with disabilities; disinformation; online violence against women; platform accountability. Grant amounts available range between USD 1,000 and USD 10,000, depending on the need and scope of the proposed intervention. Cost-sharing is strongly encouraged and the grant period should not exceed six months. Applications will be accepted until May 5, 2023.
This call for proposals is the seventh under CIPESA’s Africa Digital Rights Fund (ADRF) initiative which provides rapid response and flexible grants to organisations and networks to implement activities that promote digital rights, including advocacy, litigation, research, policy analysis, skills development and movement building. Since its launch in April 2019, the ADRF has to-date supported 52 initiatives with a total sum of USD 649,000 across 39 African countries and contributed to building capacity and traction for digital rights advocacy on the continent." (https://cipesa.org)
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"Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) now say they prefer to start their news journeys with a website or app – that’s down 10 percentage points since 2018. Publishers in a few smaller Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are
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showing a weaker connection with news brands’ own websites and apps than previous cohorts – preferring to access news via side-door routes such as social media, search, or mobile aggregators.
• Facebook remains one of the most-used social networks overall, but its influence on journalism is declining as it shifts its focus away from news. It also faces new challenges from established networks such as YouTube and vibrant youth-focused networks such as TikTok. The Chinese-owned social network reaches 44% of 18–24s across markets and 20% for news. It is growing fastest in parts of Asia-Pacific, Africa, and Latin America.
• When it comes to news, audiences say they pay more attention to celebrities, influencers, and social media personalities than journalists in networks like TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat. This contrasts sharply with Facebook and Twitter, where news media and journalists are still central to the conversation.
• Much of the public is sceptical of the algorithms used to select what they see via search engines, social media, and other platforms. Less than a third (30%) say that having stories selected for me on the basis of previous consumption is a good way to get news, 6 percentage points lower than when we last asked the question in 2016. Despite this, on average, users still slightly prefer news selected this way to that chosen by editors or journalists (27%), suggesting that worries about algorithms are part of a wider concern about news and how it is selected.
• Despite hopes that the internet could widen democratic debate, we find fewer people are now participating in online news than in the recent past. Aggregated across markets, only around a fifth (22%) are now active participators, with around half (47%) not participating in news at all. In the UK and United States, the proportion of active participators has fallen by more than 10 percentage points since 2016. Across countries we find that this group tends to be male, better educated, and more partisan in their political vie ws.
• Trust in the news has fallen, across markets, by a further 2 percentage points in the last year, reversing in many countries the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, four in ten of our total sample (40%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the country with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while Greece (19%) has the lowest after a year characterised by heated arguments about press freedom and the independence of the media." (Summary, page 10)
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"Increased understanding of the root causes, scale, and impact of online harmful content and the effectiveness of the existing frameworks and tools: 10 research reports examining the national legal frameworks governing harmful content [...] Local stakeholders empowered and new cooperation and practi
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cal tools and mechanisms developed to counter harmful content online: 3 National Multistakeholder Coalitions for Content Moderation and Freedom of Expression launched in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) (with 17 stakeholders), Indonesia (with 12 stakeholders), and Kenya (with 30 stakeholders) [...] Enhanced support and promotion of peacebuilding narratives through digital technologies, in particular social media: 194 representatives from 121 Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) trained (60 from 20 CSOs in BiH, 50 from 44 CSOs in Kenya, 31 from 20 CSOs in Indonesia, and 53 from 20 CSOs in Colombia) [...]" (Pages 1-2)
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