"Les médias d’État au Gabon seront pendant longtemps l’objet de querelles politiques et de discussions publiques qui ont convaincu le pouvoir de les inclure dans son domaine réservé, contrôlé stratégiquement par le ministère de l’Information. Depuis l’accession du pays à l’indépe
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ndance, le 17 août 1960, la radio et la télévision ont été considérées comme les voix du pays et de ses dirigeants, constamment soumises à la propagande gouvernementale de façon à mobiliser les masses afi n de bâtir l’unité nationale, impératif indispensable pour « atteindre le développement ». Avec le processus d’ouverture au pluralisme dans les années 90, une véritable crise est apparue au sein du modèle de médias publics qui les a soudainement soumis à une rude concurrence avec la presse privée nationale et l’invasion des médias internationaux satellitaires. Les changements opérés depuis quelques années sur le plan juridique et éditorial laissent croire qu’ils ont favorisé la reconfi guration du paysage médiatique et la redistribution des cartes qui ont finalement contribué à la consolidation du processus démocratique." (Dos de couverture)
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"More than US $441 million was spent on media development worldwide in 2012, with African countries receiving 28% of that amount. This funding came from a variety of sources, including both established Development Assistance Committee (DAC) countries and emerging donors such as China. These countrie
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s and their funds represent a plethora of diverse governmental systems as well as media systems, such as public service broadcasting, privatised media, community media and, in the case of China, state-run media. This paper looks at the divergent approaches to media and development promoted by both DAC countries and China, and how ideologies have led these actors to pursue similar styles of public diplomacy and political intervention through the front of media development aid." (Abstract)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"Following decades of civil war, South Sudan still lacks a functioning healthcare system and has some of the worst maternal and child health indicators in the world. To help address this, between 2012 and 2017 BBC Media Action produced and broadcast a range of national radio programmes seeking to in
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fluence knowledge, attitudes, discussion and the social norms most likely to drive improvements in the RMNCH-related behaviours of women and their families. It also worked to strengthen the capacity of local radio stations to produce similar high-quality, audience-driven health programming. This report presents a synthesis of all research and analysis completed under this project. In brief, it finds that the challenging country context (e.g. the limited availability of quality healthcare nationally and the ongoing humanitarian crisis) limited the extent to which the project was able to contribute to improved health outcomes. Despite this, audiences were generally optimistic about the shows’ influence and value, and reported gaining knowledge and making some behavioural changes as a result of tuning in. Likewise, local radio station partners reported that the capacity-strengthening support had improved their technical skills, editorial confidence and engagement with audiences." (BBC Media Action website)
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"Radio from its beginning has been a revolutionary technology adaptable both to violent overthrow of corrupt regimes and gradual almost unheeded social change. This issue of WPCC invited submission of papers on the subject of radio and revolution. We suggested that revolution be intended in its broa
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dest sense, encompassing not only the violent overthrow of governments and their counter measures but also revolution in the sense of radical social change. Radio’s long set of histories and traditions of activism and community-building are foremost in this issue’s material. This editorial reflects on key themes of the journal issue: motivations of free radio practitioners, key phases in development of community broadcasting, radio’s potential for social liberation of several kinds and its claims to be a form of mass self-communication in which users also take charge of the media platform itself and lastly radio’s presence alongside social media like Twitter in contemporary activism and protests." (Editorial abstract)
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"Cette étude présente une évaluation du développement des médias à Madagascar dans un contexte de retour au fonctionnement démocratique des institutions suite à la crise politique des années 2009-2013 qui s’est traduite par une forte instabilité politique et un marasme économique. Elle
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est basée sur les Indicateurs de Développement des Médias (IDM) de l’UNESCO. Son intervention devrait constituer un outil pour la promotion du développement des médias." (Résumé exécutif)
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"National in scope, this survey of Kenyan journalists conducted in 2012–2013 (n = 504) examines job autonomy in news selection decisions, media freedom and predictors of journalistic autonomy. The research also investigates the relationship between Kenya’s media freedom and journalistic autonomy
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. Findings show that over half (59%) of respondents believe that there is enough media freedom in Kenya. Similarly, there is a positive correlation between media freedom and journalistic autonomy—a relationship though moderate is statistically significant. While four in 10 Kenyan journalists have “some freedom” in deciding what to include in news, only 15.5 per cent enjoy “almost complete freedom,” and 31.7 per cent have “a great deal of freedom.” When analysed by demographics and work-related variables, male journalists reported higher autonomy than their female colleagues. Older and more experienced journalists have more freedoms than those who are younger and limited in work experience. Journalists with advanced education (doctorate and MA degree holders), those employed on full-time basis, and high monthly earners enjoy more job autonomy. Kenyan journalists working for international media organisations reported far higher autonomy than those in the local media. Job satisfaction and job autonomy emerged as the strongest predictors of journalistic autonomy in the Kenyan media." (Abstract)
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"Media and Citizenship challenges some assumptions about the relationship between the media and democracy in highly unequal societies like South Africa. In a post-apartheid society where an enfranchised majority is still unable to fundamentally practise their citizenship and experiences marginalisat
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ion on a daily basis, notions like listening and belonging may be more useful ways of thinking about the role of the media. In this context, protest is taken seriously as a form of political expression and the media’s role is foregrounded as actively seeking out the voices of those on the margins of society. Through a range of case studies, the contributors show how listening, both as a political concept and as a form of practice, has transformative and even radical potential for both emerging and established democracies." (Publisher description)
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"Although most Africans remain disconnected from the Internet, and access to broadband services continues to be a central policy issue, the increased availability of broadband services alone will not reduce digital inequality on the continent. While the provision of access to the Internet remains a
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key public policy issue — as a necessary condition of digital participation in the economy and society — it is insufficient. Even where networks and services are available, large numbers of people are unable to access these services affordably or use them optimally to enhance their social and economic well-being, unlike in more mature economies, where levels of human development and equality are higher [...] Demand stimulation measures — such as the reduction of prices to make services more affordable, the development of relevant local content and applications, the enhancement of citizens’ e-literacy and national skills development plans — are the focus areas of this paper. It examines alternative policy and regulatory interventions to so-called “international best practice” — assuming in the process certain political and economic conditions, by recognizing the institutional and resource constraints that generally exist in African countries — and proposes multiple strategies across the ICT ecosystem that could result in more inclusive digital development." (Executive summary)
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"This publication is what we call our Transfer Guide. It serves three different purposes. First, it documents the work done by the IGF Academy team and the eight fellows in 2016. Together, we mapped those stakeholders involved (or who should be involved) in Internet governance in the eight countries
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[Bangladesh, Bhutan, Congo-Brazzaville, Myanmar, Namibia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Togo] [...] Secondly, the Transfer Guide is an iterative document in that the fellows will continue to work on or adapt various aspects of the process, such as creating more detailed funding and communication strategies or mapping a changing stakeholder environment. As such, the Transfer Guide shows past as well as future tasks and also serves as a reminder of actions to review. Thirdly, this publication aims to transfer knowledge and experience so that others can benefit from the results of this process." (Page 3)
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"This MeCoDEM working paper presents an overview of the main findings from a quantitative content analysis covering different types of democratisation conflicts (i.e., conflicts over citizenship, elections, transitional justice and distribution of power) in four countries: Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and S
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outh Africa. The sample involves 5162 newspaper articles and news stories in the four countries selected on the basis of two main criteria: the degree of independence of media outlets from government and political parties, and their relevance. The key findings from the content analysis are organised around several themes: causes of democratisation conflicts, portrayal of conflict parties, preferred solutions to conflicts, perceptions of democracy, role of the media, authoritarian past, and tone of reporting and polarisation. Although this paper focuses principally on description, we also speculate about the main factors that shape similarities and differences in media coverage of democratisation conflicts. The main finding from the content analysis is that cross-national variations that we found in media reporting of democratisation conflicts appear to depend on several factors." (Executive summary)
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"The structural conditions of journalism are shaped by legacies of the past (marked by non-democratic regimes and sometimes colonial rule) and persisting power structures. The state and powerful political actors are perceived to play an important role in the media sector, mirrored in different forms
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of political interference directed at newsrooms and individual journalists in the way of repressive legal frameworks, political ownership and advertising, economic censorship and blackmail, as well as threats directed at the physical and psychological safety of journalists. Journalists perceive the relationship between different communities in society to be reflected in the constitution of and atmosphere among newsroom staff. Even though journalists operate in a more liberal environment than under autocratic rule in Kenya, Serbia and South Africa, media privatisation has created new dependencies and pressures: Against the background of profit-making pressures in capitalist and highly commercialised media markets, journalists claim to work under precarious working conditions, marked by time constraints due to short-staffed newsroom and juniorisation, high professional insecurity and poor salaries arguably making journalists vulnerable to bribery and corruption. Challenges relating to journalistic professionalism also translate into insufficient training on conflict-sensitive reporting and safety measures for journalists reporting on conflicts, low professional organisation and self-regulation, as well as a lack of professional solidarity and prestige." (Executive summary)
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"In this volume of essays edited by Anya Schiffrin, media capture is shown to be a growing phenomenon linked both to the resurgence of authoritarian governments as well as to the structural weaknesses presently afflicting media markets. In this environment, political figures and economic elites are
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colluding to undermine the independence of privately-owned media, and efforts to stop this collusion by activists, regulators, and the international community have proven to be ineffective." (Publisher description)
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"Going to the cinema means going on a journey” reads one of the banners in Ouagadougou that have been put up to promote the legendary pan-African FESPACO film festival. Afrika Film Festival Köln has also been taking its guests on audiovisual journeys through African cinescapes for 25 years. More
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than 750 films from 45 African countries have been shown in Cologne since the first festival in 1992. They have showcased some hugely diverse and multi-faceted filmmaking talents from Africa and the global African diaspora [...] In addition to showing films relating to this year’s theme of “Land Grabbing and Migration”, one of the first ideas we came up with regarding the make-up of the festival programme was to present a retrospective with the highlights from the last 25 years. But this was soon scrapped due to the huge number of exciting new films that were submitted to FilmInitiativ in 2017 and the many discoveries at major festivals, such as those in Tunis, Ouagadougou and Durban. FilmInitiativ was ultimately again spoilt for choice, with more than 400 new features, documentaries and short films. We therefore decided to keep the focus on contemporary African cinema for the anniversary festival, and to complement the films with a small selection of classics." (Introduction)
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"Social media and digital technology offer immense potential for citizens, policymakers and practitioners to raise awareness of, monitor, and respond to violence. With Kenya’s elections approaching, technology can help to raise awareness of insecurity, support early warning, combat incitement of v
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iolence and promote accountability. However, digital technology also carries a number of risks. To maximise effectiveness and inclusivity, 1) greater support must be given to locally legitimate peace messaging and counter-speech; 2) government, media and civil society should collaborate to improve transparency and accountability in the regulation of online activity; and 3) social media monitoring of violence should be undertaken in conjunction with other reporting systems that seek to overcome inequalities in digital access and use." (Abstract)
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According to the executive summary "Facebook’s Free Basics program aims to help bridge the digital divide through a mobile-based platform that allows users to connect to a handful of online services free of charge [...] This paper highlights the following findings: Language: Free Basics does not m
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eet the linguistic needs of target users [...] Content and usability: Free Basics features an imbalance of sites and services [...] Net neutrality: Free Basics violates net neutrality principles [...] Privacy: Facebook is accessing unique streams of user metadata from all user activities on Free Basics, not just the activities of users who are logged into Facebook." The Free Basics app was tested in six countries, with programs from five different operators: Colombia (Tigo), Ghana (Tigo), Kenya (Airtel), Mexico (Virgin Mobile), Pakistan (Telenor), and the Philippines (Globe).
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"This Radio Distribution Module contains the collective knowledge of the Internews South Sudan team gained over three years’ experience conducting radio distributions within the United Nations Protection of Civilians sites (PoCs) and surrounding communities [...] “Part I. Context” describes th
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e information and media landscape in South Sudan and the continued prominence of radio in people’s lives. It summarizes research on the importance of information access for health, education, and peacebuilding outcomes, and highlights Internews’ radio distribution activities in service of these aims. “Part II. Case Study” details radio distributions conducted in the Bentiu PoC and Malakal to expand information access and listenership for Boda Boda Talk Talk and Nile FM programs. The case studies also include lessons learned, particularly the adaptive programming over time, in order to offer recommendations for future radio distributions." (Page 3)
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"In dieser Studie wird mithilfe qualitativer Fokusgruppendiskussionen mit Migranten bzw. mit Menschen mit Migrationsabsicht aus Subsahara-Afrika (i) nach Motiven für Migration, (ii) nach der Nutzung von Informationen und dem Wissen über Migration sowie (iii) nach der Rolle von Projekten der intern
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ationalen Zusammenarbeit im Kontext von Migration gefragt. Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung ist die Annahme, dass Push-/ Pull-Modelle Migrationsprozesse nur unzureichend beschreiben; diese aber in der Politik häufig eingesetzt werden, um Fluchtursachen zu erklären und mögliche Wege ihrer Bekämpfung aufzuzeigen. Insgesamt wurden 17 Fokusgruppendiskussionen mit Befragten aus neun Ländern in Subsahara-Afrika im Zeitraum März bis Mai 2017 durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass nicht nur „klassische“ Push-Faktoren bei Migrationsentscheidungen eine Rolle spielen, sondern auch sozialer Druck durch die Familie, die an die Migration eines Familienmitgliedes bestimmte Erwartungen knüpfen. Dies führt dazu, dass Rückkehrer, die diesen Erwartungen nicht gerecht werden, häufig unter sozialer Ausgrenzung leiden. Darüber hinaus zeigen die Befragungen, dass Migranten besser über Risiken der Migration informiert sind als in der Öffentlichkeit gemeinhin angenommen wird. Dazu gehört zum Beispiel das Wissen über Gefahren auf der Flucht sowie das Risiko, im Ausland scheitern zu können. Ein weiteres Ergebnis der Untersuchung ist, dass die Reichweite von Projekten der internationalen Zusammenarbeit mit Schwerpunkt Migration weiter ausbaufähig ist und auch das Image von zentralen Akteuren dieses Bereichs verbesserungswürdig." (Zusammenfassung)
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