"This book is the first of its kind within the African region to combine scholarly perspectives from the fields of Strategic Communication Management and Communication for Development and Social Change. It draws insights from scholars across the African continent by unravelling the complementary nat
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ure of scholarship between the two fields, through the lens of prevailing governance and sustainability challenges facing African countries, today. This edited volume covers issues that have adversely affected the achievement of goals related to humanitarian upliftment, development and social change for all African nations. Consequently, citizen participation, which lies at the heart of these challenges when considering the question of sustainable governance and policy development for social change in an African context is addressed. To this end, a reflection is also made on various case studies that exist where local citizens do not inform sustainable development programmes, while the promotion of bottom-up development and social change is largely replaced by top-down instrumental action approaches and hemispheric communication instead of strategic communication." (Publisher description)
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"This study explores self-visual presentation practices by female political candidates on Facebook during Kenya’s political campaigns that culminated in the national elections of 2022. The unit of analysis is the Facebook profile image of the women leaders. Image-centrism is operationalized as the
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extent to which ‘the image’ becomes the primary mode of self-presentation in political communication discourse. The study adopts a social semiotic approach to image interpretation postulated by Roland Barthes (1972) and Kress and van Leeuwen (1996). Using Kress and van Leeuwen’s approach, images are studied as ‘linguistic codes’ that have their own ‘grammatical’structure. Barthes’s approach explores the cultural dimension of the images. The argument here is that visual communication is context-bound, and the theoretical premise laid is that politics is given direction, shape, and impetus by the culture of a people. In order to understand visual political communication in Kenya, therefore, the study analyses and interprets images from the lens of the wider African cultural contexts within which this communication takes place. The overarching questions in this study include: a) How did female politicians in Kenya strategically use Facebook images for self-representation during the political campaigns in 2022? b) How have women politicians in Kenya interwoven cultural ideology with visual political communication on their Facebook pages? The ultimate conclusion is that political images not only serve as discourses for communicating political ideas and making political statements, but they also serve as self-representation modes as well as cultural manifestation codes that illuminate specific societal concepts." (Abstract)
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"Several studies have already depicted the development of M4D and of Information and Communication Technology for Development (ICT4D), and that will not be repeated here. However, as this collection of chapters have sprung out from one of the M4D conferences – the M4D 2022 in Kigali – some notes
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on what have been salient at different conferences can be made. If we start with the M4D in Senegal 2014, we can see that from that conference stems a book where the chapters “initiate evocative conversations on how mobile technologies can contribute to expanding mobile participation practices” (Wamala-Larsson, Hellström, and Scharff 2015, 12). In Mozambique, in 2016, there were some contributions connecting to radio and TV technology; the M4D 2018 conference in Uganda included some papers on how utilities can be backed by subscription schemes via mobile services, as well as by apps where citizens can report dysfunctions and illicit use. The M4D 2020 did not take place, as the COVID-19 pandemic prevented the possibility of running a conference on site and it was postponed to 2022, when Rwanda saw the first blended M4D conference. The Zoom presence for several dozen participants over three days went very well and, via two cameras and two large screens at the venue site, they blended in well at the conference. The IT maturing effect caused by the pandemic was thus noticeable. Among the presentations it was noticeable that the Internet of Things and drones, often blended with machine learning, are now imaginable as “mobile technology”. Of course, drones are always mobile, and IoT sensors often travel with cargo, but it was the realisation of the affordability of these technologies for food chain, livestock, and crop management, combined with their reliance on mobile phone networks to make use of farmers’ photos and senor data, that made such presentations appropriate at a conference that focuses on affordable communication technology. While technology is a prerequisite, in this volume, based on selected contributions to that conference, we will balance some imaginations with some assessments. The focus will not be on the “new” M4D, even though we acknowledge that it is time to set up demonstration farms with IoT and machine learning, as pointed out by Ronald Katamba from Uganda in an interview (Pettersson and Rehema 2022, 145), and books are now published on Applying Drone Technologies and Robotics for Agricultural Sustainability (Raj, Saini, and Pacheco 2023, with examples from India and Zimbabwe; see also FAO and ITU 2022). Instead, the chapters selected for this book adhere to the theme of knowledge dissemination and knowledge development, as mentioned already. One chapter was invited to report from the African Center of Excellence in Internet of Things, hosted by the University of Rwanda in Kigali, to illustrate the efforts to build native technological competence on an advanced level. That chapter simultaneously demonstrates the growing pan-African collaboration in the academic infrastructuring project." (Foreword, pages x-xi)
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"Local journalists in South Sudan have faced enormous threats from security groups, politicians and powerful individuals in the country. These threats have made the work of the press difficult. Despite the precarious security situation, some journalists have had the courage to continue working in So
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uth Sudan but in a manner that minimises risks. While studies have been carried out on war and conflict reporting around the world, little attention has been paid to coping strategies for local journalists in South Sudan. This study sought to investigate threats, coping strategies and motivational factors for local journalists working in the private media houses in the country. A qualitative approach with emphatic in-depth interviews was purposively used to obtain data from 21 respondents including reporters and editors from seven media houses in Juba. The findings show that journalists face threats including arbitrary arrests, intimidation and incarceration. Others have been beaten, tortured and in some cases murdered. To continue doing their professional jobs, journalists in private media institutions have applied well-planned coping strategies as a means of protection. These strategies include self-censorship, publishing of threats via mass media channels, use of institutional rules, self-consciousness and avoidance of sensitive stories, among others. The analysis of the data clearly demonstrated that motivational factors played a crucial role in the coping process at both institutional and individual levels because the journalists relied on journalistic principles as their basis to create context-relevant coping strategies." (Abstract)
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"Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) now say they prefer to start their news journeys with a website or app – that’s down 10 percentage points since 2018. Publishers in a few smaller Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are
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showing a weaker connection with news brands’ own websites and apps than previous cohorts – preferring to access news via side-door routes such as social media, search, or mobile aggregators.
• Facebook remains one of the most-used social networks overall, but its influence on journalism is declining as it shifts its focus away from news. It also faces new challenges from established networks such as YouTube and vibrant youth-focused networks such as TikTok. The Chinese-owned social network reaches 44% of 18–24s across markets and 20% for news. It is growing fastest in parts of Asia-Pacific, Africa, and Latin America.
• When it comes to news, audiences say they pay more attention to celebrities, influencers, and social media personalities than journalists in networks like TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat. This contrasts sharply with Facebook and Twitter, where news media and journalists are still central to the conversation.
• Much of the public is sceptical of the algorithms used to select what they see via search engines, social media, and other platforms. Less than a third (30%) say that having stories selected for me on the basis of previous consumption is a good way to get news, 6 percentage points lower than when we last asked the question in 2016. Despite this, on average, users still slightly prefer news selected this way to that chosen by editors or journalists (27%), suggesting that worries about algorithms are part of a wider concern about news and how it is selected.
• Despite hopes that the internet could widen democratic debate, we find fewer people are now participating in online news than in the recent past. Aggregated across markets, only around a fifth (22%) are now active participators, with around half (47%) not participating in news at all. In the UK and United States, the proportion of active participators has fallen by more than 10 percentage points since 2016. Across countries we find that this group tends to be male, better educated, and more partisan in their political vie ws.
• Trust in the news has fallen, across markets, by a further 2 percentage points in the last year, reversing in many countries the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, four in ten of our total sample (40%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the country with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while Greece (19%) has the lowest after a year characterised by heated arguments about press freedom and the independence of the media." (Summary, page 10)
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"In many countries, especially outside Europe and the United States, we find a significant further decline in the use of Facebook for news and a growing reliance on a range of alternatives including private messaging apps and video networks. Facebook news consumption is down 4 percentage points, acr
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oss all countries, in the last year.
• News use across online platforms is fragmenting, with six networks now reaching at least 10% of our respondents, compared with just two a decade ago. YouTube is used for news by almost a third (31%) of our global sample each week, WhatsApp by around a fifth (21%), while TikTok (13%) has overtaken Twitter (10%), now rebranded X, for the first time.
• Linked to these shifts, video is becoming a more important source of online news, especially with younger groups. Short news videos are accessed by two-thirds (66%) of our sample each week, with longer formats attracting around half (51%). The main locus of news video consumption is online platforms (72%) rather than publisher websites (22%), increasing the challenges around monetisation and connection.
• Although the platform mix is shifting, the majority continue to identify platforms including social media, search, or aggregators as their main gateway to online news. Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) identify news websites or apps as their main source of online news – that’s down 10 percentage points on 2018. Publishers in a few Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are showing a weaker connection with news brands than they did in the past.
• Turning to the sources that people pay most attention to when it comes to news on various platforms, we find an increasing focus on partisan commentators, influencers, and young news creators, especially on YouTube and TikTok. But in social networks such as Facebook and X, traditional news brands and journalists still tend to play a prominent role.
• Concern about what is real and what is fake on the internet when it comes to online news has risen by 3 percentage points in the last year with around six in ten (59%) saying they are concerned. The figure is considerably higher in South Africa (81%) and the United States (72%), both countries that have been holding elections this year.
• Worries about how to distinguish between trustworthy and untrustworthy content in online platforms is highest for TikTok and X when compared with other online networks. Both platforms have hosted misinformation or conspiracies around stories such as the war in Gaza, and the Princess of Wales’s health, as well as so-called ‘deep fake’ pictures and videos." (Executive summary, page 10)
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"Increased understanding of the root causes, scale, and impact of online harmful content and the effectiveness of the existing frameworks and tools: 10 research reports examining the national legal frameworks governing harmful content [...] Local stakeholders empowered and new cooperation and practi
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cal tools and mechanisms developed to counter harmful content online: 3 National Multistakeholder Coalitions for Content Moderation and Freedom of Expression launched in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) (with 17 stakeholders), Indonesia (with 12 stakeholders), and Kenya (with 30 stakeholders) [...] Enhanced support and promotion of peacebuilding narratives through digital technologies, in particular social media: 194 representatives from 121 Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) trained (60 from 20 CSOs in BiH, 50 from 44 CSOs in Kenya, 31 from 20 CSOs in Indonesia, and 53 from 20 CSOs in Colombia) [...]" (Pages 1-2)
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"This book explores how television in the global South is 'future-proofing' its continued relevance, addressing its commercial, social and political viability in a constantly changing information ecosystem. The chapter contributions in the book are drawn from countries in East, South and West Africa
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, the Middle East and Latin America, specially selected for their illustrative potential of the key issues addressed in the book. Scholarly attention on television in the global South has largely been limited to studying evolving television formats with broader structural issues covered almost entirely by industry reports. Major gaps remain in terms of understanding how television in the global South is changing within the context of the significant technological developments and what this means for television's future(s). The chapters reflect on these futures, not in the sense of predicting what these might be, but rather anticipating important areas of intellection. The contributors contend that much of the scholarship on the global South, by scholars from the South, is often stilted by a reluctance to anticipate. This failure leads to a largely reactionary scholarship, constantly oppositional, and unable to recentre conversations on the South. This volume finds intellectual incentive in this urgent need to anticipate, hence its particular focus on television futures." (Publisher description)
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"Radio Waumini 88.3 FM is a project of Kenya Conference of Catholic Bishops (KCCB). It was officially launched on 6th July 2003 by the late Vice President Michael Kijana Wamalwa. It is a Catholic radio at the service of the gospel, an instrument of evangelization and promotion of all initiatives and
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activities of the Catholic Church in Kenya. Radio Waumini is for all Kenyans and transmits its programmes in both English and Kiswahili, celebrating the rich diversity of contemporary Kenya - affirming all that is life - giving and striving to promote justice [...] During the twenty years of its existence, the radio has brought immense benefits and successes to the Church in the country [...] Through the radio, the listener's faith has been greatly enhanced. There has been awakening of the faith of the Catholic community within the reach of the radio programs. Testimonies of our listeners attest to this. As a result of its programs, the Catholic media network has increased with the launching of sister radio stations in most Catholic dioceses across the country. All these sister radios have had some of their presenters and managers trained at Radio Waumini." (The History of Radio Waumini, page 8)
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"Indigenous Language for Social Change Communication in the Global South brings together voices from the margins to engage in dialogue about common social change issues in Latin America, Africa, and Asia. This book argues that resistance and social movements, expressed in music and songs and exchang
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ed via radio, remain fundamental to ensure that the linguistic and cultural diversity of the world progresses despite colonizing pressures. Contributors present cases that explore how indigenous communities use mediums such as the radio to help support their language, identity, and expand their own social change. Highlighting the centrality of music in the development of political discussions and language as a central part of collective identity, contributors analyze how these mediums function as both a vessel and a link for information and cultural cohesion of those engaging in social change." (Publisher description)
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"Comprising 41 chapters by a team of international contributors, the companion is divided into three parts: histories; approaches; thematic considerations. The chapters offer wide-ranging explorations of how forms of mediation influence communication, social relationships, cultural practices, partic
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ipation, and social change, as well as production and access to information and knowledge. This volume considers new developments, and highlights the ways in which anthropology can contribute to the study of the human condition and the social processes in which media are entangled." (Publisher description)
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"This book analyses a South-to-South connection between media activists and artivists – artists who are activists – in the Global South. The authors, Andrea Medrado and Isabella Rega, emphasise the urgent need to engage in South-to-South dialogues in order to create more sustainable connections
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between Global South communities and as an essential step towards identifying and facing global problems, such as state repression, social inequality and climate crises. Medrado and Rega analyse the characteristics of this connection, identify its unique contributions to the study of media and social change and discuss its long-term sustainability. They do so by focusing on instances when media narratives in countries of different Global South(s) intertwine and transform each other; specifically, the exchanges between Latin America (Brazil) and Africa (Kenya). They explore how media activism and artivism can be used as tools for global movement building and to challenge colonial legacies. They also discuss how to connect people with varied skill sets in different Global South contexts, promoting South-to-South solidarity, in a cross-continental challenge to marginalisation." (Publisher description)
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"Child domestic workers (CDWs) in Ethiopia tend to face challenging working conditions with limited access to education. Child domestic work refers to live-in or live-out work done in a household where the child’s biological parents do not reside and which often but does not always include some fo
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rm of remuneration. Child domestic work is common in Addis Ababa as it serves as an entry point into the labour market for girls migrating from rural to urban areas in Ethiopia (Erulkar et al., 2017). Indeed, a recent study estimated the prevalence of domestic work among girls aged 12–17 in Addis Ababa to be 37% (Erulkar et al., 2022). Though domestic work is not necessarily a harmful form of child labour, CDWs in Ethiopia often face mistreatment and abuse from their employers (Population Council and Freedom Fund, 2021). This mistreatment is linked to broader social norms which place CDWs as inferior and less worthy than other members of the household. In an effort to change norms and behaviours towards the treatment of CDWs, the Freedom Fund implemented a norms and behavioural change campaign (NBCC) in 2022. The NBCC targeted employers of CDWs in Addis Ababa. It was funded through the Program to End Modern Slavery, an initiative of the United States Department of State’s Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons and was part of the Freedom Fund’s broader ‘Reducing the Prevalence of Child Domestic Servitude in Ethiopia’ programme. Based on the findings of formative research, the main objectives of the NBCC were to shift norms and behaviours relating to CDWs’ working conditions and access to education. [...] The NBCC reached 57% of employers interviewed during the baseline. Television was by far the main medium through which respondents were exposed to the campaign (95%) followed by online media (13%), physical posters (13%), and community discussions (6%). Using data on recall of campaign materials and participation in campaign activities, respondents were classified into three categories based on level of exposure: no exposure (43%), low exposure (17%), and high exposure (40%). The NBCC’s reach appears to have been uneven as younger respondents, women, and those with more education tended to have a higher level of exposure. Survey findings emphasised the differences in working conditions and access to school between CDWs who are related to their employer and those who are not. Whereas some CDWs are recruited as domestic workers, others are relatives of their employer (for example, a niece) and have been sent by their family to live in Addis Ababa. Those in the first category tend to work longer hours, as reported by their employer (35 per week compared to 24 for those related to their employer) and are less likely to be enrolled in school (25% compared to 75%)." (Executive summary)
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"The report has, in summary, shown that although there are positive developments across the Southern African region, meeting the international standards is still work in progress and in some instances, states are regressing. There is evidence of a plethora of challenges that hinder the practice of i
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ndependent journalism and also the continuation of restrictive measures that do not promote press freedom. Journalists who face intimidation, harassment and other forms of violence, in most instances are confronted with the reality of impunity and diminishing political will to protect media workers. As a way forward, it is imperative for states in Southern Africa to adopt the necessary practical measures and implement the 2019 Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa. The calls on States to create a conducive environment for the exercise of freedom of expression, and ensure protection from interference both online and offline." (Conclusion, page 23)
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"This study was conducted to assess the risks journalists face while reporting in Somalia. It was guided by three specific objectives that included: evaluating the cases of physical attacks on journalists reporting in Somalia, analyzing the cases of arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of journalists
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recorded in Somalia and investigating the cases of journalists being killed in Somalia in three years between 2019 and 2021. The study was qualitative and used secondary data to explore the objectives. It analyzed data from five reports which had information collected between 2019- 2021 that included: The Somali Mechanism for Safety of Journalists (SMSJ) report 2021, The UNESCO observatory report on journalists killed 2021, The National Union of Somalia Journalists (NUSOJ) report of 2021, The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) report of 2020/2021, and The Amnesty International Research report of 2020. Data was classified into three thematic areas according to the study objectives. The data was then uploaded into the coding sheet and analyzed. The study found out that, Media freedoms in Somalia is being suppressed by the Federal state and non-state actors. Evidence from the reports showed that, between 2019 and 2021, eight journalists have been killed, 66 journalists have been arbitrary arrested and 81 journalists have been physically attacked and assaulted. Additionally, The Somali federal and state governments targeted and raided media outlets considered disloyal to the regime and approximately 14 media outlets were struck by government officials and armed soldiers. The study recommends that, according to UN plan of Action on the safety of Journalists and the issue of impunity (2012), the Somali government needs to demonstrate its assurance to the protection and safety of journalists and media freedom by taking significant action to tackle the extensive impunity for crimes against the media, otherwise, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights ACHPR having signed a memorandum of understanding with UNESCO to safeguard journalists should step in and manage the risks that journalists working in Somalia face daily." (Abstract)
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"Journalists act strategically in response to their political environments, using practices like self-censorship to avoid negative repercussions from powerful actors. But what does self-censorship look like in practice? Grounded in theories of policy response and media sociology, this study uses jou
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rnalistic narratives to examine three strategies journalists employ to publish news while safeguarding themselves in semi-authoritarian contexts with restricted media freedom. Journalists choose among these based on several factors, including the relative power available to them in a particular organizational context, story idea, or angle. The analysis shows that self-censorship is more negotiated and less one-directional than the current literature suggests. The negotiation lens also shows how power dynamics can change on a situational basis, even in contexts where one actor clearly has significantly more power than the other." (Abstract)
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