"Over New Year’s Eve in 2016, a slew of sexual assault cases against women came to light in India’s tech hub of Bengaluru. Four years prior, against the backdrop of a violent rape in the nation’s capital of Delhi, prominent feminists and activists took to the streets as part of mass public pro
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tests calling for legal protections for women in India. The response to the New Year’s Eve allegations, however, differed in two ways. The first was the conspicuous role social media played for the first time in the feminist movement in India. The second was the leadership provided by young feminists in the country. A coalition of various feminist organisations and individuals banded together to form a collective under the hashtag #IWillGoOut. This article discusses feminist activism over a period of two weeks at the start of 2017, when the #IWillGoOut collective rapidly mobilised widespread public support calling for the safety of women and minorities in public spaces in India. The campaign organised and led marches and events in over 30 towns and cities of India with no formal fundraising effort. I draw on my personal experience of organising the campaign to share insights into its success in transforming online support to offline action using social media. This experience provides a useful example that can be used in other social justice movements in the Indian subcontinent." (Abstract)
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"In this sweeping and ambitious intellectual history, Daniel Veidlinger traces the affinity between Buddhist ideas and communications media back to the efflorescence of Buddhism in the Axial Age of the mid-first millennium BCE. He uses both communications theory and the idea of convergent evolution
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to show how Buddhism arose in the largely urban milieu of Axial Age northeastern India and spread rapidly along the transportation and trading nodes of the Silk Road, where it appealed to merchants and traders from a variety of backgrounds. Throughout, he compares early phases of Buddhism with contemporary developments in which rapid changes in patterns of social interaction were also experienced and brought about by large-scale urbanization and growth in communication and transportation. In both cases, such changes supported the expansive consciousness needed to allow Buddhism to germinate. Veidlinger argues that Buddhist ideas tend to fare well in certain media environments; through a careful analysis of communications used in these contexts, he finds persuasive parallels with modern advances in communications technology that amplify the conditions and effects found along ancient trade routes. From Indra’s Net to Internet incorporates historical research as well as data collected using computer-based analysis of user-generated web content to demonstrate that robust communication networks, which allow for relatively easy contact among a variety of people, support a de-centered understanding of the self, greater compassion for others, an appreciation of interdependence, a universal outlook, and a reduction in emphasis on the efficacy of ritual—all of which lie at the heart of the Buddha’s teachings." (Publisher description)
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"While studies on alternative media and community radio stations have primarily focused on the media content and production techniques, scant attention has been paid to audience participation, a crucial aspect of community radio. This paper is based on ethnographic interview with the listeners and p
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rogram producers of RadioJU, the community radio station of Jadavpur University, which was the first community radio station of West Bengal. The radius around RadioJU covers two districts of the state that includes urban areas as well as suburban regions, including a large refugee colony. The paper focuses on the three dimensions of alternativeness: the relationship with social context, nature of the content, and organizational structure. The objective of this study is to explore in what manner community radio continues to be relevant in contrast to the mainstream media and in what way audience participation positions community radio within the alternative–mainstream debate. The paper also points to the challenges and the limitations of audience participation in community radio, and suggests that the notion of supplementary media can be an important move towards opening up the category of the alternative media in an increasingly commercialized broadcast environment." (Abstract)
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"Since August 2017 over 671,000 people (mostly Rohingya) have crossed the border from Myanmar to Bangladesh to escape violence in Rakhine State. There are now more than one million Rohingya refugees staying in campsites along the Bangladeshi side of the border. In September 2017 Internews conducted
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an information ecosystem assessment, which found that 77% of the Rohingya population do not have enough information to make decisions for themselves and their family and 62% reported that they were unable to communicate with aid providers. Additionally, the assessment found that 96% of refugees use Rohingya as their primary language. In the meantime, the funding requirements for Communication with Communities (CwC) went from 4 million USD in the Humanitarian Response Plan (September 2017 – February 2018) to 5,9 million USD in the Joint Response Plan for the period of March until December 2018. This shows at the very least an increased understanding of the importance of CwC among individual agencies, sectors and the wider humanitarian system. Moreover, it highlights that more agencies have integrated CwC in their plans and rolled out CwC-related activities. So, while the first assessment of Internews looked at the demand-side of CwC, this report looks at the supply side of communication and investigates what kind of CwC services are on offer half a year after the initial assessment. The survey, conducted in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh from late February to early March 2018, not only captures different activities but also highlights the gaps in communication activities." (Introduction)
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"Since 2013, Bangladesh authorities have used draconian provisions in the Information and Communication Technology Act (ICT Act) to arrest scores of people for political and social commentary critical of the current Awami League government or its leaders. Those targeted have also included journalist
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s and editors arrested for articles critical of government officials or for writing about corruption or maladministration, as well as numerous individuals arrested for allegedly offending religious sentiment or for defamation. 'No Place for Criticism' details dozens of cases since authorities amended the act in 2013 to add harsher penalties and allow the police to make arrests without warrant. Since the Cyber Tribunal was established in 2013, the police submitted 1271 charge sheets to the Cyber Tribunal in Dhaka, most of them under section 57 of the act, a particularly sweeping provision. Many detainees have been held for months without trial. A significant number of those arrested are linked to Bangladesh opposition parties and were detained following complaints to the police by members of the governing Awami League. The government has pledged to replace the ICT Act with a new law, the Digital Security Act, a draft of which is now being considered by parliament. However, the proposed new law in some respects is broader and more open to abuse than the law it seeks to replace, and it continues to violate Bangladesh’s international obligation to protect freedom of speech." (Back cover)
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"Die kommunikationswissenschaftliche Öffentlichkeitsforschung hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren verstärkt mit transnationalisierten Formen von Öffentlichkeit beschäftigt. Allerdings gehen nur wenige empirische Arbeiten über die (mögliche) Entstehung einer europäischen Öffentlichkeit hinaus.
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Daher analysieren wir anhand der medienöffentlichen Debatten in 15 Ländern über die Klimapolitik – ein Thema, das oft als möglicher Kristallisationspunkt für die Entstehung transnationaler oder gar „globaler“ Öffentlichkeiten dargestellt wird – inwieweit die Akteursensembles in der Berichterstattung von Qualitätstageszeitungen, Regional- und Boulevardzeitungen transnationalisiert sind und welche Reichweite eine etwaige Transnationalisierung aufweist. Die Analyse zeigt eine beträchtliche Transnationalisierung, die teils über eine Europäisierung hinausgeht. Allerdings ist die Berichterstattung je nach Untersuchungsdimension unterschiedlich transnationalisiert: Transnationalisierte Bezüge zeigen sich eher in „schwacher“ als in „starker“ Form: Ausländische oder supranationale Akteure werden häufiger in der Berichterstattung erwähnt, als dass sie selbst zu Wort kommen. Zudem ist die horizontale Transnationalisierung stärker ausgeprägt als die vertikale: Bezüge auf Akteure aus anderen Ländern finden sich häufiger als Bezüge auf supranationale politische Organisationen. Die Analyse zeigt zudem Länder- und Medienunterschiede, die grosso modo die Befunde der Forschung zu Klimawandel-Kommunikation und europäischer Öffentlichkeit bestätigen: In wirtschaftlich von Klimaschutzmaßnahmen betroffenen Ländern ist die Berichterstattung stärker national geprägt. In Qualitätstageszeitungen ist die Berichterstattung stärker transnationalisiert als in Boulevard- und Regionalmedien." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Publics around the world overwhelmingly agree that the news media should be unbiased in their coverage of political issues, according to a new Pew Research Center survey of 38 countries. Yet, when asked how their news media are doing on reporting different political issues fairly, people are far mo
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re mixed in their sentiments, with many saying their media do not deliver. And, in many countries, there are sharp political differences in views of the media – with the largest gap among Americans. To build off Pew Research Center’s earlier findings about U.S. news media habits and attitudes, this new cross-national survey begins to study these dynamics globally. The survey finds that a median of 75% across 38 countries say it is never acceptable for a news organization to favor one political party over others when reporting the news. Just 20% say this is sometimes okay. People in Europe show the greatest opposition to political bias in their news." (Page 3)
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"In A Village Goes Mobile, Sirpa Tenhunen examines how the mobile telephone has contributed to social change in rural India. Tenhunen's long-term ethnographic fieldwork in West Bengal began before the village had a phone system in place and continued through the introduction and proliferation of the
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smartphone. She here analyzes how mobile telephones emerged as multidimensional objects which, in addition to enabling telephone conversations, facilitated status aspirations, internet access, and entertainment practices. She explores how this multifaceted use of mobile phones has affected agency and power dynamics in economic, political, and social relationships, and how these new social constellations relate to culture and development. In eight chapters, Tenhunen asks such questions as: Who benefits from mobile telephony and how? Can people use mobile phones to change their lives, or does phone use merely amplify existing social patterns and power relationships? Can mobile telephony induce development? Going beyond the case of West Bengal, Tenhunen develops a framework to understand how new media mediates social processes within interrelated social spheres and local hierarchies by relating, media-saturated forms of interaction to pre-existing contexts." (Publisher description)
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"Based on an in-depth case study of “Khabar Lahariya” – a community newspaper located in Central India, this research paper analyses its decade-and-a-half journey and examines the metamorphosis it has undergone over the years. The paper borrows from Tanja Bosch’s (2010) synthesis of Gilles D
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eleuze and Felix Guattari’s notion of “rhizomes” to analyze community media, and also from Chris Atton’s (2002) “Model of Alternative and Radical Media,” which he developed through an amalgamation of existing definitions and theoretical sketches on community media. Drawing on the characteristics of “heterogeneity,” “multiplicity” and “asignifying rupture” of rhizomes, the paper explains how Khabar Lahariya grew from a study tool for the neo-literate women of an NGO’s literacy intervention to an independent “media agency” having linkages with diverse media outlets. Atton’s model allows us to comprehend the “intersections” and “overlapping” of dimensions in Khabar Lahariya’s content, form, production, distribution channels, social relations, roles and responsibilities that generate “hybridity” in its products and processes. The authors conclude by flagging some of the consequences of this rhizomatic growth and multi-dimensionality of structure and processes of Khabar Lahariya that may signify a debatable compromise of a few of the non-negotiable principles that characterize community media." (Abstract)
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"This title centres around digital gender activism focusing on the implications that the phenomenon of online gender activism has for politics, society, culture and gender relations/dynamics. On December 16th, 2012, Jyoti Singh, a female psychotherapy student from New Delhi was raped by six men in a
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moving bus while making her way home with a male friend. After 13 days spent fighting for her life, Jyoti Singh passed away. Abiding by Indian laws, Joytis actual name was never mentioned by the media and pseudonyms like Nirbhaya (Hindi for fearless) were most commonly used. The brutal attack instantly triggered domestic and global criticism and widespread protests across India over the high levels of violence against Indian women and children, making it one of the biggest gender movements that the country has witnessed. The Nirbhaya case thus became a turning point in the politics of gender justice in India. The nationwide protests that followed the case also witnessed one of the first and most extensive uses of digital technologies for activism in India having far reaching changes in how gender activism is conducted. Keeping the Nibhaya case at its core, this book explores and attempts to understand experiences and social constructs and investigate the use of digital technologies and social media by civil society actors, activists and organisations specifically for gender activism in India." (Publisher description)
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"The No News Is Bad News (NNIBN) programme started in January 2016. The aim of the NNIBN Programme is to work towards the following vision: media and journalists, as independent players in civil society, constitute a diverse and professional media landscape and function as change catalysts. This is
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done by working towards three interlinked Intermediate Outcomes: an enabling environment for the media is established, conducive to freedom of expression, pluralism, and diversity; media serve the interest of the public and act as a watchdog on their behalf; journalists and media-actors work professionally and are effective and sustainable [...] The outcome harvesting activities Free Press Unlimited has done with our partners in Pakistan have had four outputs or applications: an evaluation of the Pakistan country programme, which has resulted in this document; lessons learned for future outcome harvesting workshops, which have been used to draft a pilot evaluation report and a two-pager on outcome harvesting at Free Press Unlimited; input for the Mid-Term-Review of the No News is Bad News programme as a whole; recommendations on the priorities and strategies for the programme going forward, discussed together with Free Press Unlimited’s programme staff and our partners in Pakistan." (Page 3-4)
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"This reports examines the situation of freedom of expression of indigenous journalists in four countries and analyzes data, where available, of Indigenous Peoples’ access to mechanisms charged with ensuring their safety. We present grassroots information from Nepal in English, and from Guatemala,
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Honduras, and Mexico in Spanish, along with general recommendations for improving the specific experience of Indigenous journalists and community communicators. Please note this information is far from exhaustive and represents only situations that were brought to this organization’s attention." (Introduction, page 1)
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"The policy brief outlines key snapshots of Sri Lanka’s social media landscape as it stood at the time of writing, in early August 2018, and offers some recommendations aimed at civil society’s use of social media for conflict transformation." (Abstract)
"The article is an overview of the growing concerns about escalating violence against journalists in India and a matching lack of interest in Indian academy to understand the various implications of such violence both pedagogically and sociologically. The fact that about six journalists were killed
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in a span of two to three months September-November 2017 speaks volume about the magnitude of the problem in Indiathe world's largest democracy that has the largest volume of media presence. By far, the safety and security of journalists was never part of a serious debate among Indian media houses or Indian journalism education except by way of expressing a symbolic condolence whenever a journalist was killed in action. Although Indian academy has displayed abject ignorance of this important component of journalists' training despite the UNESCO proposing a model curriculum for safety of journalists at University level in 2007, the media industry which runs its own media schools in India to train its recruits is never concerned about the safety and security of the journalists. Using the methodology adopted by the Freedom House in its report on Freedom of Press (2016) for determining the varied ways in which the pressure was laid on the objective flow of information, the present study throws light on several dimensions involved in evolving a pedagogy for the safety and security of journalists' from sociological perspectives." (Abstract)
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"Most of Japan's civil society assistance targets media. JICA's policy guideline on peace-building assistance regards media assistance as one of the target categories of Japan's democracy assistance (Japanese International Cooperation Agency JICA, 2009). The International Peace Cooperation Council (
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Kokusai Heiwa Kyoryoku Kondankai), which was established within the Cabinet Office. recommended boosting Japan's media assistance in its report published in December 2002 (Council on International Peace Cooperation 2002, 42). Japan has assisted media through grants, technical assistance, expert dispatch, expert training, and the provision of materials related to broadcasting (JICA 20046, 50). Japan has provided media assistance mainly to TV and radio stations. According to Masakazu Sakashita (2006, 122), 127 TV media assistance projects and 56 radio assistance projects had been conducted by September 2005, while Japan has never provided media assistance to print media such as newspapers and magazines. This is because Japan regards telecommunication and broadcasting technology as its comparative advantage and thus focuses on those projects that require it. Indeed, the chief characteristic of Japan's media assistance is that it focuses on facilities such as information and telecommunication networks instead of media content. Project contents include the improvement of production capacity and broadcasting skills, repair of ground communication systems, and provision of studio equipment. Seminars are provided to teach how to use and maintain the equipment provided through such projects as well (JICA 20046, 50). Expert training has been conducted for countries such as Indonesia and Sri Lanka in addition to broadcasting infrastructure assistance, which provided training for program production. However, this training tends to be a mere supplement to broadcasting in frastructure assistance projects (Sakashita 2006, 122). Within JICA, while it is the former Public Policy Department and the current Industrial Development and Public Policy Division that is in charge of democrac y assistance, the Information and Telecommunication Technology Division is in charge of media assistance. This shows that Japan's media assistance is conducted mainly as broadcasting technical assistance rather than democracy assistance, as Sakashita (2006, 122) notes.
Japan's media assistance to Afghanistan in 2002 helped broadcast the country's Loya Jirga, or national assembly, on TV via satellite. Its aim was to show the discussion at the national assembly and the process of choosing the interim president of the country to increase the legitimacy of the new administration (JICA 2004a). The political character of this assistance project was distinct compared with Japan's media assistance until then. However, the project assisted only a state hroadcasting station and did not intend to Increase the capacity of primate media's watchdog functions. In this sense, the actual content of this assistance project was state, not civil society assistance. In addition, the contents of this assistance were to upgrade broadcasting in frastructure and provide equipment and training on how to use the equipment. No assistance was provided in terms of the content of the broadcasting. No expert on free and fair broadcasting was included in its preliminary study group, and all the experts were broadcasting technical specialists, which shows the weakness of Japan's interest in supporting the role of media in democracy (JICA 2002). The project document did not set contribution to democracy as an evaluation criterion of the project, either (Sakashita 2006, 124)." (Pages 51-53)
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"This practical guide on gender sensitivity and inclusivity is designed specifically with the working journalist in mind and to prompt the practitioner to make conscious decisions about the use of words and visuals as a means of enhancing professionalism. In our everyday life, we encounter countless
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examples of gender stereotypes which often do inadvertently get mainstreamed and perpetuated by the news media, through poor language and image use, contributing to continuing discrimination. Many stereotypical social constructs get ‘normalized’ when the media perpetuates and sometimes ends up amplifying the same. For example, men are often described as heroes and epitomes of strength, with specific characteristics attributed to them. Similarly, women are regularly portrayed as weak and in need of male protection. We are constantly ‘programmed’ to ‘accept’ soldiers and freedom fighters to be men. Women on the other hand are often viewed as victims – of war, drought or epidemic – and as disempowered individuals who are meant for ‘softer’ jobs and needing ‘protection." (Preface, page 46)
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"To inform the development of a new radio drama for Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar, BBC Media Action carried out a small scale qualitative research study that sought to understand more about Rohingya men and womens’ understanding and attitudes towards child marriage, intimate partner violence
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and sexual exploitation and abuse. Eight in-depth interviews and four mini focus group discussions were held with Rohingya men and women living in two camps in Cox’s Bazar, as well as key informant interviews with humanitarian practitioners working on issues related to gender-based violence (GBV). The study found that intimate partner violence and child marriage are deeply rooted and normalised within the Rohingya community in Cox’s Bazar. The perceived economic and social benefits of marrying their daughters off early greatly outweigh the risks of child marriage for parents, who have little knowledge of the health risks of early childbirth, and fear social criticism if their daughters are not married within two to three years of going through puberty. Both Rohingya men and women accept intimate partner violence as a normal part of life, and believe it is the husband’s right to abuse his wife if she does not fulfil her duties. Women rarely speak out about violence against them, for fear they will be socially ostracised and their husbands will remarry, leaving them with no financial stability and no opportunity to remarry. These findings have clear implications for communications initiatives, including the need to work towards de-normalising gender-based violence, by engaging both male and female audiences in storylines which encourage them to question existing practices and norms." (https://www.bbc.co.uk/mediaaction)
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"ActionAid’s efforts of bring together communities radio stations from different states across the country in the recent National Consultation on Community Radio held at Bhubaneswar was quite useful to discuss the best practices of community radio stations, the challenges they face and the way for
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ward. We thank Young India and Radio Namskar for partnering with us in this effort. The present publication on the best practices of the community radios in different parts of the country encapsulate the experiences and journey of the community radio stations in amplifying the voice of the marginalized communities, the change result they have achieved partnering with the communities and the larger aspirations of the community for social justice and equality. Through this publication we would like to share the learnings emerging from the practice of community radio stations. I look forward to carrying these conversations further with you dear readers, and hence I look forward to receiving your comments and feedback on this report." (Foreword)
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