"Two oversimplified narratives have long dominated news reports and academic studies of China's Internet: one lauding its potentials to boost commerce, the other bemoaning state control and measures against the forces of political transformations. This bifurcation obscures the complexity of the dyna
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mic forces operating on the Chinese Internet and the diversity of Internet-related phenomena. China and the Internet analyzes how Chinese activists, NGOs, and government offices have used the Internet to fight rural malnutrition, the digital divide, the COVID-19 pandemic, and other urgent problems affecting millions of people. It presents five theoretically-informed case studies of how new media have been used in interventions for development and social change, including how activists battled against COVID-19. In addition, this book applies a Communication for Development approach to examine the use and impact of China's Internet. Although it is widely used internationally in Internet studies, Communication for Development has not been rigorously applied in studies of China's Internet."
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"This book explores how journalism is practiced around the world and how there are multiple factors at the structural and contextual level shaping journalism practice. Drawing on case studies of how conflicts, pandemics, political developments, or human rights violations are covered in an online-fir
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st era, the volume analyzes how journalism is conducted as a process in different parts of the world and how such knowledge can benefit today's globally connected journalist. A global team of scholars and practicing journalists combine theoretical knowledge and empirically rich scholarship with real-life experiences and case studies to offer a storehouse of knowledge on key aspects of international journalism. Divided into four sections – journalistic autonomy, safety, and freedom; mis(information), crises, and trust; technology, news flow, and audiences; and diversity, marginalization, and journalism education – the volume examines both trends and patterns, as well as cultural and geographical uniqueness that distinguish journalism in different parts of the world." (Publisher description)
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"Since the 2000s, China has deepened public relations in its engagement with Africa primarily through economic investment and assistance. The present work looks at China’s African public relations and the mechanism that shapes public perception of China, focusing on Mali. Mali is not a major desti
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nation for Chinese investment, yet public perceptions of China appear to be uniquely positive. How may we explain this trajectory? The work undertakes a longitudinal examination, comparing China’s economic developments in Mali (2010–20) with Malians’ perception of China’s influence on the Malian economy that shapes the general perception and attitude towards China (2010–20) and the media’s role in this process. Some questions guide this study: how do Chinese economic activities in Mali shape Malians’ perception of China? How does the media contribute (if any) to shaping Malian perception of China’s developmental programmes? Employing a mixed research method and a range of datasets, I find that economic investment does not necessarily shape positive public perception of China in Mali. Instead, how the public receives information about economic investments shapes and enhances a positive perception of China in Mali. Consequently, China would substantially enhance its image-building effort when its foreign economic development assistance is linked with public relations, making economic programmes more visible through media representations. I based the theoretical discussion on the media agenda-setting framework." (Abstract)
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"We provide a historically informed analysis of the media in post-communist Mongolia thirty years after the transition. In 1990, Mongolia chose a peaceful transition towards liberal democracy following the seventy years of the communist regime. Our analysis first establishes that amid the challenges
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and changes since the new constitution was adopted, a plural and commercial media system has undeniably been established. However, only a few established themselves as independent media with editorial, business, and ethical norms. While the plurality of media outlets created a media landscape aberrant from the socialist-time propagandistic media, the media market failures, along with rudimentary legal and professional institutions, contributed to the media instrumentalization and media capture in Mongolia." (Abstract)
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This book illuminates the complex relationship between social media, identity, and youth in the Global South. By examining the profound impact on the psychosocial well-being and economic prospects of young people across diverse regions, the collection present empirical evidence from scholars spannin
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g Asia, Africa, North America, Central, and South America. Contributors show how young people experience adverse side-effects online, such as social withdrawal, or animosity to others, and how good social health and social media use can help young people develop economic resources, become independent, and socially responsible. Additionally, the book explores the role of social media channels, such as Facebook and Instagram, in the rise of cyberbullying, sexting, and online radicalization; how these platforms re-negotiate identity in developing countries and compromise productivity; and how the behaviour of celebrities on said platforms influence youth behaviour. Structured into five thematic sections, this book presents a nuanced understanding of the well-being implications arising from social media use among young people hailing from diverse socio-cultural and economic backgrounds and political exigencies.
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"Political technology' is a Russian term for the professional engineering of politics. It has turned Russian politics into theatre and propaganda, and metastasised to take over foreign policy and weaponise history. The war against Ukraine is one outcome. In the West, spin doctors and political consu
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ltants do more than influence media or run campaigns: they have also helped build parallel universes of alternative political reality. Hungary has used political technology to dismantle democracy. The BJP in India has used it to consolidate unprecedented power. Different countries learn from each other. Some types of political technology have become notorious, like troll farms or data mining; but there is now a global wholesale industry selling a range of manipulation techniques, from astroturfing to fake parties to propaganda apps. This book shows that 'political technology' is about much more than online disinformation: it is about whole new industries of political engineering." (Publisher description)
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"Short videos are very popular in China. The provincial TV stations in China use short videos to disseminate information. Curiosity about the influence of short video news is the primary motivation of this study. This paper integrates theories of news and place, focuses on local visibility, explores
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how short videos can serve as media infrastructure to report news, construct local visibility and change public life. Taking a sample of official short videos from 31 provincial TV stations in China, this paper uses the narrative analysis method to decode the videos. It is found that short videos create a unique news space which are reflected in narrative language, narrative framework and narrative theme, respectively. This study argues that the short video platform has shaped a place with public vitality, participated in local image management, and built the “visible community”. This has innovated the existing theoretical relationship between news and place, and the short video media practice of TV stations in various provinces has provided the world with the Chinese experience of creating place." (Abstract)
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"China’s biggest media conglomerate, Xinhua, has 37 bureaus in Africa. This dwarves any other news agency—African or non-African—and is a dramatic increase from just a handful two decades ago. Another Chinese media giant, StarTimes, is China’s biggest player in African digital TV and the sec
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ond largest in Africa after South Africa’s DSTV. StarTimes is installing satellite dishes in 10,000 rural homes across 20 African countries, linking them to Chinese digital TV, further embedding itself on the continent.
Many of Africa’s young journalists are trained in China and paid by Chinese media entities. In Kenya alone, 500 journalists and local staff are employed by Chinese media agencies, dispatching 1,800 news items monthly. Veteran China-trained Kenyan journalist Joseph Odindo, the former editorial director of Nation Media Group (East and Central Africa’s largest media conglomerate), notes that he had to keep close watch on his workforce while at the Standard Group. “[W]e had to draw up a chart which would enable us to see who was out on a Chinese training at any given time, who was due to come back, and who was next—otherwise you could find half of your newsroom is in Beijing undergoing training.”
The surge in Chinese investments in the African media space is part of a global strategy by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to gain influence in the developing countries by shaping their information environments. The CCP views the media as a battleground for “telling China’s story well,” a phrase coined by CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping in 2013 at the party’s National Propaganda and Ideology Work Conference. China’s ruling party, according to its own policies, regards the media as an arena of combat to advance its narratives and policies and to discredit those of its adversaries without using military force. This invokes the Sun Tzu concept of “winning battles without fighting,” a concept CCP propagandists frequently use to describe their media offensives." (Introduction)
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"This book explores entrepreneurial attempts to combine traditional investigative journalism with alternative ways of organising this work. It transcends watershed investigative projects in favour of the ways in which new actors (citizens, technologists, bloggers and local reporters, among others) j
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oin experienced investigative journalists in experiments with the practices of watchdog journalism in the digital era. Cases include Bristol Cable, Bureau Local and the Korea Center for Investigative Journalism, as well as Forbidden Stories. The book also includes two chapters on the impact of COVID-19 upon the development of cross-disciplinary work in a traditional newsroom and in the larger media ecosystems of both Norway and China." (Publisher description)
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"[...] Pedro Jerónimo’s anthology addresses a highly relevant topic. It offers insights into the state of local media in countries where little research has been published to date. Of the eight contributions in the volume, four focus on Europe and Latin America (Romania, Portugal, Europe, and Bra
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zil), while the other four examine China. Thematically, the contributions cover a broad spectrum of topics within the field of local media: the impact of economic and social challenges on local journalism, automation in local journalism, transnational cooperation in investiga-tive research, and the potential of information apps for local communities. The four articles on China focus on the role of local media during the COVID-19 pandemic. While the title of the anthology may not lead readers to expect such a wide range of topics, some might have expected more research specifically on news deserts, i.e. studies examining the societal effects of local media decline [...] The anthology’s strength lies both in its detailed insights into specific aspects of local media communication in various countries and its potential to inspire further re-search. Readers seeking such inspiration will find the book valuable, whereas those expecting conceptually and methodologically rigorous case studies may be disappointed." (Review by Matthias Künzler, Global Media Journal–German Edition, Vol. 14, No. 2, 2024, pages 2-4)
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"Over the past decade, digital technologies have profoundly reshaped the Chinese cultural landscape. With a focus on the creative agency of new media and online communities, this volume examines this development through the notion of the Sinocybersphere - the networked spaces across the globe that n
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ot only operate on the Chinese script, but also imaginatively negotiate the meanings of Chinese culture in the digital age. Instead of asking what makes the internet or new media "Chinese," the chapters situate contemporary entanglements of cultural and digital practices within specific historical, social, and discursive contexts. Covering topics as diverse as live-streaming, AI poetry, online literature, poetry memes, cyberpunk fiction, virtual art exhibitions, cooking videos, censorship, and viral translations, the collection as a whole not only engages with a wide range of Chinese new media phenomena, but also demonstrates their relevance to our understanding of contemporary digital culture." (Publisher description)
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"While much attention has been paid to how China’s rise as a digital superpower could threaten US hegemony over cyberspace, much less has been written on what the Digital Silk Road, or the presence of Chinese tech firms in developing countries more broadly, means for technological upgrading and de
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velopment. This article contributes to filling this gap by investigating the technology spillovers emanating from two Chinese tech giants – Huawei and ZTE – in Algeria and Egypt. Using a political economy framework that combines insights from structuralist economic development and techno-politics and drawing on over 70 semi-structured interviews and field-observations, it argues that despite localizing activities that bear the promise of generating significant linkages, the two Chinese tech firms created no meaningful learning opportunities for domestic entities that contribute to technological upgrading. What could at first seem like developmental connections that promote technology transfers are found to be linkages diffusing Chinese infrastructures, hardware, software, processes, and standards that shape distinct digital systems. Without pro-active policies from host governments, the Digital Silk Road risks creating new technological dependencies; locking local ICT actors into activities and relationships captured and defined by Chinese tech giants." (Abstract)
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"Broadly speaking, the Chinese media and internet economy experienced considerable growth from $524.17 billion in 2019 to $652.11 billion in 2021, despite the inhibiting impact of the COVID pandemic on growth in many sectors of the global economy. The Chinese media and internet economy— estimated
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at $652 billion in 2021 based on our assessment across 25 sectors—is now the second largest in the world. $1,288.4 billion in 2021, the largest in the world. Across the various sectors, market concentration tends to be more extreme in “telecoms & internet access sectors” (e.g. wireline and wireless) and “core internet applications” (e.g. search engines, mobile OS and desktop OS) than “online and traditional media services (content media)” sectors. While state media enterprises dominate “telecoms & internet access services” and “online and traditional media services (content media)” sectors, private Chinese firms are market leaders in many “core internet applications” except for mobile/desktop operating systems and mobile/desktop browsers sectors, where foreign players—Google, Apple, and Microsoft—have a stronghold." (Executive summary)
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"China in Africa’ has become an irresistible topic in any discussion of China, with the former’s growing engagement with the latter. The unprecedented popularity of Wolf Warrior II in China, which is set in Africa, is a testament to how official propaganda of national selfconfidence can be affir
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med by the public in the form of pop culture. The film’s controversial and stereotypical portrayal of Africa and its deliberate imitation of the Hollywood genre are the reasons for its attention among different groups. To date, however, feedback from international audiences, both in terms of common feelings and conflicting opinions, has remained under-researched. In order to provide an exploratory study on how Wolf Warrior II is interpreted by Chinese and African audiences in different cultural and social contexts, a comparative analysis of the film’s reception among Chinese and African post-secondary students in different countries was conducted. Ten focus groups were organised, five in mainland China and five in Canada, with a total of thirty-one college students from China and Africa participating. The results showed that Chinese and African audiences have vastly different or even opposing understandings of the ‘China in Africa’ discourse presented in the film. This seems to reflect a problematic but under-addressed aspect of the China-Africa relationship." (Abstract)
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"China’s extensive media presence in Africa aims to distinguish itself through the use of constructive journalism in contrast with the perceived dominance of conflict journalism by Western media outlets. However, many scholars have raised questions of consistency surrounding Chinese media’s use
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of constructive journalism in representing Africa (e.g. Marsh, 2016). With perspectives from Galtung’s (1987, p. 1998) conflict and peace journalism, this research applies Critical Discourse Analysis to examine Chinese media’s representation of Africa to an international audience. Using linguistic data from China Radio International’s Today, it challenges the distinctions among peace journalism, solutions journalism and constructive journalism. The findings show that China’s claim of constructive journalism strongly favors the coverage of China, yet is largely absent in the coverage of the African continent. It suggests that while Chinese state-sponsored media utilizes the so-called constructive journalism when presenting information about a specific region to that region, these representations are not consistent across their international coverage. Hence, Africa remains a victim of conflict journalism." (Abstract)
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"This book addresses the issues raised by digital platforms in the Global South, with an emphasis on the cultural stakes involved. It brings together an interdisciplinary team of researchers - including political economists, socio-economists, geographers, media sociologists or anthropologists - who
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each explore these issues through an insightful case study at a local, national, regional or international scale. While studying the strategies of some of the main US-based Big Tech platforms or video streaming platforms towards the Global South, the chapters also consider the often-neglected active role local or regional actors play in the expansion of those Western digital players, and highlight the existence of a constellation of local or regional platforms that have emerged in Africa, Asia, Latin America or the Middle East. In addition to analysing the complex relationships of competition, collaboration or dependence between these diverse actors, this volume examines the ways in which the rise of these digital platforms has generated new forms of cultural entrepreneurship and participated in the reconfiguring of the conditions in which cultural contents are produced and circulated in the Global South." (Publisher description)
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"Blockchain originated from the aspiration for decentralization, and in Western countries, its association with freedom from governmental and corporate dominance remains unwavering. However, in China–where blockchain has taken an intriguing foothold–the socio-technical imaginaries of blockchain
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diverge significantly. As China rises in blockchain development, critical literature examining its ventures is notably lacking. This article analyses state-led initiatives and corporate endeavours related to blockchain deployment in rural China. While blockchain’s roots lie in libertarian ideals, within China, it serves as a ‘state techno-solutionist’ tool, empowering authoritarian capitalism for enhanced state control and corporate profit through data exploitation. Although the application of blockchain in agricultural tracing and finance is heralded as a blessing to elevate smallholder farmers from poverty and enhance agricultural practices, the reality contrasts sharply. Instead of empowering farmers, the technology exacerbates power imbalances, embedding them in a system marked by extensive data harvesting and surveillance. Such integration entangles these farmers subsisting on China’s economic fringes within broader national and global capitalist financial frameworks, rendering them more susceptible to exploitation and manipulation. Moreover, blockchain in rural China epitomizes authoritarian capitalism, where capitalists aligning closely with state agendas. Blockchain’s transparency, traceability, and tamper-resistant features, instead of diminishing government interference, are harnessed by capitalists to amplify the social credit system, strengthening the data dominance of platform companies and supporting state surveillance. Therefore, blockchain emerges as a threat to rural China’s ways of life–all driven by the pursuit of corporate profit and the government’s quest to reclaim national greatness." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the public response to mandatory location disclosure (MLD), a new surveillance technology implemented on China’s Sina Weibo. Initially introduced to geo-tag posts related to the Ukraine War, the MLD eventually expanded to encompass all posts and comments on the platform. Dra
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wing on a large-scale dataset comprising over 0.6 million posts and 24 million comments, this study uncovers political asymmetry observed during the initial implementation of MLD. Users with different political orientations were subjected to different levels of geo-tagging. Pro-Ukraine users were most frequently geo-tagged, followed by Pro-Russia and liberal-leaning users, while conservative-leaning users are least likely to be tagged. This selective surveillance approach, however, backfired among Pro-Ukraine and Pro-Russia users, pushing them to publish more war-related content, while its impact on liberal- and conservative-leaning users appeared to be minimal. When selective surveillance was replaced by universal surveillance, the backfire effects ceased to exist and people’s interest in war-related topics declined. Furthermore, privacy cynicism prevails among commenters across opinion groups. Neither the introduction nor the expansion of MLD deterred audiences from engaging with the geo-tagged posts. These findings suggest that prolonged surveillance makes people less sensitive to privacy threats and more experienced in neutralizing surveillance’s influence on themselves. Privacy cynicism, though widely considered toxic to democracy, can function as a source of resilience that shields people from the fear of coercion and undercuts the marginal utility of state surveillance in an authoritarian context." (Abstract)
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"Over the past decade, China has gradually begun to take a more proactive approach to digital development, passing a range of policies that aim to restructure how data is treated within its national economic system. These policies reflect the construction of a new data ecology in which data is gradu
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ally reconceptualized as a quasi-public good, rather than a private good. Strategic interventions aim to increase data circulation and supply, with the goal of promoting high-quality economic growth. Central to these reforms is the designation of data as a factor of production, which accelerates the authority of the communist party to shape the allocation of data within the national economic system. Viewed holistically, these policies reflect an intentional effort to construct a more communal data ecosystem that facilitates increased data circulation in support of a state-led centralized approach to social and economic development. What emerges is a variety of data communism, in which data resources are increasingly conceptualized to serve collective interests rather than the interests of capital." (Abstract)
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"What kind of “democracy” do new government-led digital initiatives facilitate? This paper discusses the issue by investigating the open government data policy in Taiwan in the 2010s, asking whether the policy encouraged “strong democracy.” Using interviews, written records, and an analysis
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of platform design, I argue that the implementation of Taiwan’s open data policy has not institutionalized the engagement of civil society groups or ordinary citizens in government decision-making processes, which is at odds with the claims that open government data encourages “strong democracy.”Instead, open government data in Taiwan has facilitated monitorial democracy, which presupposes watchful but not active citizens, and neoliberal democracy, which presupposes profit-pursuing citizens. Both are more in line with “thin democracy,” which focuses more on individual rights and private interests than on participation and political community. The finding sheds light on why conservative governments around the world often embrace open government initiatives." (Abstract)
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