"The cases from B&H and Kosovo show that three straightforward regulatory practices can make a significant impact in a relatively short time. What is needed is an independent and legitimate regulator, a set of laws and guidelines against incendiary media, and an accompanying set of laws in protectio
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n of free speech. Obviously, this three-pronged framework does not constitute an entire regulatory regime for media. It cannot guarantee peace, but it can enable individuals at all levels of society to make better decisions about whether or not to support or participate in a conflict. The scope of regulatory practice in conflict must be seen as a long term process. On one hand, media regulation exists to prevent the escalation of conflict. On the other hand, it exists to maintain a media environment conducive to promotion of a functioning democratic society. Media democratization is a long-lasting process of legal reform and a purview of legal experts, and it usually evolves with the rest of the democratic processes. It requires legal, technical and even engineering expertise. The end goal of the process is to develop a modern regulatory framework for the media which supports and protects general media freedoms. In the short term, the initial phase of the media democratization process must be concerned with the prevention of conflict escalation and protection of media and their rights and freedoms." (Conclusion)
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"The first component of this report focuses on the improvement of the performance of public sector broadcasters. Based on evidence that the team gathered during field research, and the preparatory survey of the existing body of knowledge, 23 main problems were identified in this component [...] The
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second component deals with media self-regulation. Although the push to strengthen selfregulation is high on the agenda of the media communities in the region, such institutions have either not been established or the existing ones need to be overhauled and strengthened [...] Component three concentrates on judicial practices in freedom of expression cases and capacity building of the judiciary in this regard [...] Component four assesses the options for the introduction of an EU award for investigative journalism in the Southeast Europe IPA region." (Executive summary, page 9)
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"How does media contribute to peacebuilding and reconciliation in a post-conflict environment? This question will be answered in respect to the media produced by the UN and NATO mission in Kosovo (UNMIK and KFOR) from the year 1999 until 2008. The theoretical part of the text will deal with existing
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approaches to peace journalism, effective organizational communication and media effects theories. In the empirical part, the evaluation will first focus on the content of the media produced by UNMIK and KFOR in Kosovo, followed by the assessment of media production processes in both missions. Last, the dissertation will explore the impact of UNMIK's and KFOR's media within the local Kosovar population." (Back cover)
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"In conclusion, it should be reiterated that the use of the Western liberal media models as a guiding model for the media set up in Kosovo might have been too ambitious a goal. It gave too much credit to the cultural ethos at the time, assuming it to be an environment in which a liberal media sector
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could firmly take root. Obviously, Kosovo is on a path of progress, having moved from a point where there were no institutions to the point where, however imperfect, the new institutions continue to operate. Overall, however, Kosovo media institutions, judging by their current condition, might still be years away from achieving functional independence." (Discussion of findings, page 52)
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"This policy brief builds upon the findings of a research report that looked specifically on the ways in which three media institutions - Independent Media Commission (IMC); Radio Television of Kosovo (RTK) and the Press Council of Kosovo (PCK) – established in the aftermath of conflict with consi
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derable foreign media assistance - have evolved. The independence and long-term sustainability of the RTK and IMC are important conditions that Kosovo government must ensure as it moves closer towards the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU. The PCK also remains an important institution for the Kosovo press affairs. As such, these institutions are a cornerstone for a sound media system in Kosovo." (Pages 5-6)
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"TThe 2012 MSI study for Europe & Eurasia revealed a mix of positive developments, regression, and stagnation (or resilience, depending on one’s point of view). Nearly half of the 21 countries included in this study showed little change either way, their overall score moving by 0.10 or less. Six c
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ountries showed improvement and five slid backward. The former Yugoslavia accounted for all but one of the countries with lower scores this year. Montenegro improved, Croatia remained roughly unchanged, but the rest of the former Yugoslavia—Serbia, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Macedonia—suffered losses (note that Slovenia is the only country of the former Yugoslavia not studied by the MSI) [...] Moldova continued to improve and achieved the highest score among the four countries in “Russia and Western Eurasia.” All objectives except Objective 4, Business Management, received a score in the “near sustainability” range. Armenia maintained its leadership amongst the three countries in the Caucasus. Its overall score remained mostly unchanged, although the score did slip slightly. Georgia continued to slowly regain ground lost in 2008. Russia’s score improved; despite serious lingering challenges, panelists expressed a cautious optimism that the situation will continue to improve in the coming years. Kyrgyzstan returned to the top spot in Central Asia as the political situation there stabilized. However, two objectives, those covering professional journalism and business management, remain well below the “near sustainability” range." (Executive summary, page ix)
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"In spite of the multi-million international investment to establish democratic media in post-war Kosovo, media in the young republic continue to underperform. On the 2011/12 Press Freedom Index, Kosovo ranked on the 86th position worldwide. The article sheds a light on the reasons for this dilemma
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by assessing strategies, successes and failures of media development actors. For this purpose, two groups of stakeholders were identified and interviewed both quantitatively and qualitatively: international media assistance actors as well as local journalists, media owners and experts. The leading question of the study at hand is: How far did the international development strategy succeed in transforming Kosovar media towards greater plurality, commercialization, professionalization and de-politicization? The findings suggest that media assistance actors focused too little on economic sustainability (i.e. commercialization) or, if this was done, fragile economic and political conditions proved detrimental. Also, development actors have focused too long on ad-hoc training sessions as well as on supporting different competing media outlets, thus creating a congested market. In comparison, wherever media framework institutions were supported, the success was more clearly visible." (Abstract)
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"Kosovo has marked a number of improvements in the legal provisions pertaining to the media sector with the establishment of the law on access to information, decriminalization of libel and improvement of the criminal code and law on RTK. Considerable work, however, still remains to be done in the p
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roper implementation of the existing legislation and a mechanism to monitor the implementation is necessary. This is particularly important with the Law on Access to Public Documents, as non implementation is limiting journalist’s ability to factually document stories, making them susceptible to mistrusted sources and other pressure. Besides professional pressure, journalists are still subject to physical attacks and threats and more inconspicuous forms of pressure such as financial instability, lack of proper contracts and an inefficient judicial that can’t adequately protect their rights. Due to the economic conditions in the country and its impact on outlets, out of the job professional development for journalists can be unaffordable and lack quality. While some university level academic programs are trying to establish a foothold in the niche, they are still too young. In the meantime, non-academic preparation programs are few and far in between, often delivered by unprofessional trainers. The aforementioned issues are not aided by an overall fragile public broadcaster, who would in other instances be setting the benchmark of professional standards for all media. With financing problems making the RTK potentially susceptible to political and other forms of influence, the medium has lost its initial credibility. Nonetheless, as part of its financing problem has been resolved with a new law, it remains to be seen how well the public broadcaster will perform." (Conclusion, Page 21)
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"Shaw argues that journalism should focus on deconstructing the underlying structural and cultural causes of political violence such as poverty, famine and human trafficking, and play a proactive (preventative), rather than reactive (prescriptive) role in humanitarian intervention." (Publisher descr
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iption)
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"International donors came to see media development as a silver bullet for democratization efforts to foster freedom of speech, civil society, good governance, as well as an engaged citizenry. Donors and practitioners initially believed that institutions, once established, would function in a specif
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ic way, and coupled with assistance to professionalize and commercialize the media sector, would create or at least jump start systems similar to those in the US and Europe. Over the years, policy makers have identified the vital parts of a democratic media system, but what they have failed to fully understand is the dynamic interaction among them. Now, more than fifteen years after the end of the Bosnian war and twelve after the end of the war in Kosovo, numerous assessments by government sponsors and independent evaluators have reported success in achieving fundamental media freedoms in these countries, yet these media sectors have not demonstrated their anticipated transformative power – leaving struggling or dysfunctional organizations in the wake of donor financial retreat. This study argues that media organizations and institutions are trapped between pressures to commercialize and professionalize, which have become conflicting rather than enabling forces when combined with weak economic environments. In each of the countries in this study, a lack of synchronization among reforms, political divisions, and poor economic growth have contributed to a web of interrelated challenges. Despite significant economic reforms, growth and stability have never reached a threshold for systemic change." (Abstract)
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"With three notable exceptions—Belarus, Russia, and Uzbekistan—the media sector in the countries included in the first edition of the MSI in 2001 have over time either improved overall or stayed more or less the same. But, a review of overall MSI scores is just one way to use the MSI to see how
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the media situation has changed [...] Another is to compare the qualitative characterizations made by panelists in 2001 to those they are making today. In a similar vein, IREX includes a summary of how the Internet was viewed in 2001 and how it is described today as a way to look at the impact of new media on dissemination of information, public dialogue, and citizen access to timely news and information. IREX this year employed an updated methodology to prepare the reports [...] IREX added two new indicators. One assesses a media sector’s ability to report on local, regional, national, and international news in a way that meets the needs of citizens in all corners of a country." (Executive summary, page 9)
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"Nowhere in modern history has media assistance been as concentrated and large in scale as in the case of Kosovo, where under the auspices of the OSCE, different state and non-governmental actors have invested millions in the crisis-ridden media system. This thesis discusses the strategies for media
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assistance actors in Kosovo and focuses on their outcome by questioning whether the international actors involved have been able to establish a more democratic media system, and questioning which strategies have been successful and which have not. The results are discussed by utilising the theoretical framework of the modernisation theory. The author has interviewed media assistance actors by using two methods: an online survey and face-to-face interviews. In addition, 26 Kosovar journalists, media owners and researchers were questioned in order to evaluate the approach used by the international actors. The findings primarily suggest that media assistance actors have focused too little on economic development in Kosovo and that since the beginning of the international intervention, Kosovar media has never been as fragile and threatened as now." (Abstract)
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"Irmgard Wetzstein untersucht die Möglichkeiten konstruktiver Konfliktbearbeitung in der qualitätsjournalistischen Auslandsberichterstattung. Sie grenzt diese zur friedensjournalistischen Idee ab, wobei systemische bzw. konstruktivistische Überlegungen im Vordergrund stehen. Die Kriegs-, Krisen-
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und Konfliktberichterstattung, der Auslandsjournalismus, seine Wirkpotenziale und Wechselbeziehungen zwischen dem System Journalismus und politischen EntscheidungsträgerInnen werden anhand des Konzepts der öffentlichen Diplomatie erläutert. Aus konflikttheoretischer Perspektive führt die Autorin eine Inhaltsanalyse unterschiedlicher Phasen des israelisch-palästinensischen Konflikts sowie der Unabhängigkeitserklärung des Kosovo in vier Printmedien durch. Sie gibt damit einen Einblick in die journalistische Praxis im Umgang mit Konfliktereignissen, die für die Öffentlichkeit nicht direkt erfahrbar sind." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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