"El libro busca visibilizar la preocupante situación que atraviesan las y los comunicadores indígenas y afrodescendientes particularmente en Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, México, Nicaragua y Venezuela. En el marco de la defensa por sus der
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echos, tierras, territorios y cultura, los trabajadores se encuentran expuestos a múltiples situaciones de violencia cotidiana [...] En un primer momento, el libro analiza la forma en que los pueblos comprenden la comunicación y en especial la comunicación ancestral indígena frente a las concepciones modernas de comunicación y un sistema de medios latinoamericano cada vez más concentrado. A su vez, plantea que la comunicación todavía es un derecho emergente, en disputa y en construcción. Si bien en muchos de los países analizados el derecho a la comunicación está reconocido explícitamente en sus constituciones, todavía falta para un pleno respeto de su ejercicio. En este marco, releva y sistematiza los instrumentos legales tanto nacionales como internacionales disponibles. Por otra parte, el trabajo demuestra la falta de información sistematizada en relación al tema y plantea que la carencia de reportes panorámicos claros es parte de la discriminación y marginación de los y las comunicadores y sus pueblos. Finalmente, proporciona una serie de recomendaciones para el fortalecimiento de una comunicación democrática y plural." (Editorial)
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"Las periodistas mujeres son atacadas, al igual que sus colegas varones, por los temas políticos o de coyuntura que publican; pero se utilizan contra ellas muchas más expresiones discriminatorias vinculadas al género y agresiones con connotaciones sexuales. En los ataques contra las periodistas h
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ay aproximadamente 10% más de menciones que ponen en duda su capacidad intelectual; 20% más de expresiones sexistas; 30% más de comentarios vinculados a su apariencia física. La cobertura de manifestaciones vinculadas a la agenda de género y la expresión de posiciones favorables a la misma, particularmente hacia la legalización del aborto, son una razón extra por las que son atacadas las periodistas mujeres. Las mujeres manifestaron más afectación a su subjetividad a partir de los ataques y mayor vulneración de su derecho a la libertad de expresión; a la vez fueron más proactivas en la modificación de prácticas digitales." (Resumen ejecutivo, página 10)
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"Taking into account the actual situation in the region, the support that VIKES provides for independent journalism is more urgent than ever. Journalists in the region are facing unprecedented challenges, from declining revenues, a broken business model and a new form of censorship, threats to journ
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alists’ safety and misinformation campaigns. In these conditions, the work that VIKES has been doing in the region has been relevant and successful. It has promoted the right of civil society to information and the right of media to freedom of expression. Activities that were planned in the programme document on the defense of fundamental rights to exercise free speech and democracy were implemented, and positive results were achieved. All the partner organizations have strengthened the exercise of democracy through digital media and investigative journalism, promoting citizen participation in public policies and improving the open-access and right to information. Networking and cooperation between independent media, journalists and CSOs are more reliable than ever in the region, and a new concept of collaborative journalism was introduced with positive results. VIKES supported media and independent journalists in producing high-quality information and investigative stories, supporting them to attract wider audiences. Training in business development, marketing and effective management was organised by the programme, and the financial sustainability of partners was improved. Even so, the independent media in the region is still dependent on external funding and will be, until the political situation in the region will improve. To be more effective and to improve the effectiveness of the Regional Independent Media Support Programme in the future, VIKES should increase the number of the partners and independent media representatives (also those currently exiled) to receive support from the programme. The main problem of independent public media remains the lack of financing and security. In a meeting with independent journalists in Nicaragua, where the government has threatened to continue to imprison journalists and publicly insults media professionals, they underlined the importance of solidarity networks among international organizations and press associations. According to them, VIKES has done bold work, and its efforts have supported the professionals who remain to practice “survival journalism” and need all the backing to continue to inform the population." (Executive summary, page 7-8)
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"En 2019, se reportaron 2.521 alertas relacionadas con violaciones a la libertad de expresión, libertad de prensa y acceso a la información a lo largo de 8 países. VDS reportó 734 alertas de los mismos países en 2018. Tanto de manera regional como local, la información nos habla sobre un rápi
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do deterioro en la libertad de expresión, libertad de prensa y acceso a la información en el contexto de creciente represión y restricciones. Esta situación habla de la alta vulnerabilidad de estas libertades fundamentales en América Latina y como socaban de manera seria la paz, justicia y democracia en la región, bloqueando la Agenda 2030. En Honduras, Venezuela y Nicaragua el abuso sistemático de las instituciones públicas impone un estado (no) oficial de censura, incluyendo el encarcelamiento de periodistas, la creación de leyes para limitar la libertad de expresión y fuertes restricciones para acceder a recursos claves. En Bolivia, Ecuador, y Guatemala la dramática inestabilidad social y política resultante de las protestas masivas donde los derechos humanos básicos—incluyendo la seguridad y protección a periodistas y el acceso a información pública—fueron gravemente violentados. En Brasil y Argentina la violencia contra periodistas y medios de comunicación no se ha materializado en ataques sistemáticos, pero se manifiesta en una violencia discursiva, acoso, intimidación y amenazas, las cuales, a la larga buscan imponer miedo y auto censura. En Perú y Uruguay, a pesar de tener los niveles más bajos de violencia en contra de periodistas y medios de comunicación en la región, los retos para acceder a la información persisten a través de ataques y agresiones aislados y procesos judiciales ocasionales por calumnias y difamación." (Resumen ejecutivo)
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"This report [...] presents a bespoke analysis of how women around the world consume and perceive news, based on data on audience behaviour from 11 countries featured in the 2020 Reuters Institute Digital News Report: Kenya, South Africa, South Korea, Hong Kong, Japan, Mexico, Brazil, Finland, Germa
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ny, United Kingdom, and United States. We have selected these 11 to represent as wide a geographical base as possible, and cover some of the richest and poorest countries in the report [...] As the country profiles show, a growing set of women-led protest movements against femicide, sexual assault, and online harassment around the world have created a new debate around how the news portrays women, and new conversations about who is in the newsroom deciding the agenda and framing the news. While news reporting has sometimes played an important role in these debates, it is also clear that many of them are driven by feminists who use social media as activist tools to speak out and organise against sexism and misogyny, sometimes in the news media too [...] Key Findings: Men are more likely than women to say that they are ‘extremely’ or ‘very’ interested in political news across all markets; Women are more likely than men to express high levels of interest in news about health and education; Women are more likely than men to report that they use TV news programmes or bulletins; Facebook is still an important source of news for both men and women, but YouTube and Twitter are more popular with men; Women will talk about news face to face with friends and family more than men. They are less likely to comment on news on news websites or on social media; Women’s levels of trust in news, and concern over ‘fake news’ online, are broadly similar to men’s." (https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk)
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"We recruited participants aged 13-14 in three countries: Mexico, South Africa and the Netherlands. Through a questionnaire, an observation exercise and interviews, we gathered information in order to identify trends [...] We constructed a number of global personas that cut across the groups. Safety
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Seeker: Aims to avoid potential harm online; they do not interact with content they believe is not genuine and they are discerning about friend requests. Awareness Raiser: Is concerned about global issues and considers the positive impact of online content more important than its veracity. Entertainment Junkie: Cares about having fun, being entertained and making friends smile; truth isn’t as important. Dedicated Fan: Believes content posted by the people they admire and will call out fake news about the things they care about. Socialiser: Is all about friends, connecting across several social media platforms. They are discerning about friends but still have hundreds – and they believe the things they share. Scroller: Doesn’t engage with misinformation or content they don’t care about; they just scroll on past. They can be challenging to engage." (Executive summary, page 4-5)
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"Mexico is among the most violent countries for journalism, with more than 100 journalists killed in the past two decades. Behind these murders, which have largely gone unpunished, are phenomena such as organized crime and corruption, as well as a lack of state presence in some regions. In this stud
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y, we focus on analysis of a relevant topic in the contemporary news agenda, namely journalistic coverage of organized crime. For this, we interviewed almost two dozen Mexican journalists who work in Mexico’s main media outlets. Through journalists’ responses, we observe the normalization of violence in their everyday work. Although the journalists interviewed recognize that they do not have, in general, specific knowledge of this type of coverage, their experience directs them to develop security protocols, including use of their media outlets’ physical infrastructure and strategic use of social networks and the Internet." (Abstract)
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"[Este libro] presenta ocho capítulos que se muestran críticos frente a las posibilidades y promesas de la cultura digital, denunciando que la red ha reproducido las formas de desigualdad del mundo analógico. Los autores proponen una reflexión crítica frente a ciertos discursos que se presentan
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como democráticos y subversivos en la sociedad del e-conocimiento, pero que esconden en su funcionamiento retazos de la tiranía monopolizadora neocapitalista que ha encontrado en el ciberespacio un nuevo lugar de colonización y explotación. Muestran una visión crítica, política e ideológica desde el ámbito latinoamericano, una visión un tanto tecnopesimista en ocasiones, pero muy necesaria en el siglo xxi." (Prólogo, página 10)
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"We present a classification of the types of censorship of media to frame the various issues that journalism and freedom of expression face in Mexico, which mainly include the role of the State in preventing or enforcing censorship, the monopoly of a few corporate groups that control most of the mas
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s media and dictate fixed editorial lines throughout all of them, the effect of violence on journalism and the issues that are emerging around the freedom of expression in social media." (Abstract)
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"Drawing from 93 semi-structured, in-person interviews with journalists from 23 states, this article analyzes the relation between trust and risk perception in Mexican journalism. It focuses on how Mexican journalists perceive and experience public trust placed in them as social actors, and how it i
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nfluences their willingness or reluctance to assume the risks associated with reporting on corruption and drug-trafficking in a country marked by anti-press violence. The findings challenge previous studies as they show that journalists from all regions of the country –even in the so-called safe states– are fearful, even when they have not been victims of threats, beatings or kidnappings. Also, it explains that the connection between institutions and journalism makes news workers feel unprotected and unaccompanied. As a result, they accept self-censorship and even express a willingness to resign. Thus, this article surpasses the social, spatial and temporal delimitations of risk, by arguing that distrust in journalists increases the dangers they face." (Abstract)
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"WhatsApp und Facebook werden auch in Lateinamerika massiv genutzt, vor allem aufgrund ihres vermeintlich kostenlosen Charakters. Auch dort wird das Problem der rechten Meinungsmache und der Fake News diskutiert, denn die Tatsache, dass sich die Leute heute vor allem über Werbeplattformen informier
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en, die unzutreffend „soziale Medien“ genannt werden, hat handfeste politische Auswirkungen. In Brasilien und El Salvador wurden die jüngsten Wahlen nicht über Präsenz und Debatten in den traditionellen Medien gewonnen, sondern über gut vorbereitete und teure WhatsApp-Kampagnen. In Brasilien siegt so der Rechtsextremist Jair Bolsonaro, in El Salvador der politische Wende-hals und PR-Profi Nayib Bukele. Die brasilianischen WhatsApp-Nutzer*innen wurden während des Wahlkampfs mit gefälschtem, häufig explizit sexuellem Inhalt geflutet, wie etwa der Meldung, dass die Arbeiterpartei plane, Babyfläschchen mit Nuckel in Penisform zu verteilen, um die Homosexualisierung der Kleinkinder voranzutreiben.
Haarsträubendes postfaktisches Zeitalter – warum fallen Fake News auf fruchtbaren Boden? Klar ist: Klassische Medien haben ihre Funktion als „Gatekeeper“, als Instanzen, die sortieren und filtern, längst eingebüßt. Die Gesellschaften werden vielfältiger und unübersichtlicher: mehr Pluralität auf der einen Seite, andererseits immer tiefere Gräben, die sich durch die Gesellschaften ziehen. Die mediale Öffentlichkeit und die Zugangsbedingungen zu ihr wandeln sich. Die Menschen misstrauen „denen da oben“ durchaus zu Recht. Aber die kommerziellen Global Tech Player beherrschen die Räume für Kommunikation, Information und Meinungsbildung mit Algorithmen. Das hat Folgen. Das Geschäftsmodell basiert auf Datenschürfen, kombiniert mit persönlich zugeschnittener Werbung. Du bekommst das, was du sehen und hören willst, nicht was wahr ist und den Tatsachen entspricht. Und davon profitieren vor allem rechtspopulistische Akteure.
Gibt es dazu einen funktionierenden linken Gegenentwurf? Wir, die Macher*innen der ila und ähnlich Gesinnte, wollten eigentlich schon immer zur Bildung einer Gegenöffentlichkeit beitragen, positionierten uns gegen den „bürgerlichen Journalismus als Stellvertreterjournalismus“, wollten „Betroffenenberichterstattung“. Heute haben Rechte und Rechtsextreme den Begriff „Gegenöffentlichkeit“ für sich gekapert. Und jetzt haben wir den Salat.
Aktuell existiert eine Öffentlichkeit jenseits der Dichotomie „staatlich geregelt oder privat“. Wir haben kein Problem mehr damit, unsere eigenen Inhalte zu verbreiten und eigene Medien zu schaffen. Das stellt allerdings noch längst nicht sicher, dass wir auch gehört werden. Der springende Punkt ist nicht mehr der Zugang, sondern die Reichweite. Wir konkurrieren mit allen anderen Anbietern von welcher Information auch immer um Aufmerksamkeit. Und dabei verfügen wir, kaum anders als früher, immer noch über die schwächeren Möglichkeiten.
Wie sieht also das Überleben im „Plattformkapitalismus“ aus, wie sich darin bewegen, schützen, informieren, seine Meinung bilden und als politisch Aktive oder alternative Medienschaffende die eigenen Inhalte verbreiten? Dazu ein paar Ideen, die sich aus der Auseinandersetzung mit dem Thema und lateinamerikanischen Gesprächspartner*innen herauskristallisieren: Versteht, die Technik zu verstehen (in Lateinamerika ist die Rede von hackear la tecnología, also die Technologie für die eigenen Zwecke zu nutzen wissen), wahrt eine kritische Distanz, haltet eure Informationsquellen vielfältig (was vor allem auch Kindern und Jugendlichen vermittelt werden sollte), schafft und nutzt alternative Plattformen. Manchmal kann auch digitales Fasten das Gebot der Stunde sein. Handy aus und raus auf die Straße – oder in den Wald." (Editorial)
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"Communication for Social Change: Context, Social Movements and the Digital is a critical introduction to communication for social change (CSC) theory. The book presents refreshingly new perspectives and specifically makes the case for CSC theory to factor in context, leanings from social movements
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and a critique of the digital technology. This book offers perspectives on the historical continuities within this field of study along with the departures that have been hastened and shaped by confluences between ideas and practice as well as by digital technology and social movements." (Publisher description)
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