"The present study is a first attempt to look inside media organizations in Lebanon in order to understand what kind of business decisions are being made. This study analyzes employee diversity, as well as political affiliation or media owners [...] There was a clear reluctance among media owners to
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wards discussing their business practices [...] Most of Lebanon's seven private commercial television stations, which are comparatively very few considering the nearly 300 Arab television stations in operation, are among the most viewed stations in the region, due to their high production values and quality of programming. At the same time, these and other Lebanese media lag behind with respect to effectively managing human resources. Many lack written job descriptions, organizational policies, or regular performance appraisals, and they heavily rely on part-time staff and volunteers while not providing adequate financial incentives to their employees [...] Perhaps the most significant findings of the present study are those related to the financial aspects of Lebanese media organizations. Despite the sensitivity of discussing the profitability of these media, and considering that it is illegal, according to both the Press Law of 1962 and the Audio-Visual Law of 1994 for a broadcast or print organization to depend on sources of funding other than sales revenues and advertising, the answers given were quite candid and revealing. In Lebanon, financial support by the political elites who own these media is what has allowed most of the local media to survive. To ensure the sustainability of these outlets, long-term financial solutions and better marketing strategies must be adopted." (Preface, pages 7-8)
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"Since 1985, the Lebanese Hezbollah has developed a centralized communications apparatus which was a major instrument in building its leadership in the Shiite community. My contribution intends to explore the main media of this party as both cognitive and political resources for mobilization and as
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spaces for the involvement of its activists, sympathizers and cadres. In doing so, it revisits the social history of this political formation and examines its modes of organization and related tensions." (Abstract)
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"Depuis les années 1990, la généralisation des télévisions satellitaires et l’avènement d’Internet ont bouleversé le paysage médiatique et contribué à une modification profonde du rapport entre les populations et l’information. Désormais acteurs politiques à part entière, les méd
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ias entretiennent des liens à la fois conflictuels et ambigus avec les différents pouvoirs – politique, judiciaire, religieux, financier… – et pèsent directement sur les relations internationales. Interrogeant l’histoire, multipliant les approches et les exemples – de l’Italie au Liban, de l’analyse de la sociologie du Web au traitement médiatique du conflit israélo-palestinien –, sondant l’évolution des imaginaires politiques et religieux, cet ouvrage se propose de mieux situer la place et le rôle des médias dans les sociétés méditerranéennes, et singulièrement dans les pays arabes. Loin des amalgames et des raccourcis abusifs, ce livre offre des éléments précieux pour appréhender une réalité nouvelle et complexe." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Arab Media: Power and Weakness is comprised of research synopses (comprehensive overviews over the current academic literature and “blind spots” of research in one of the above mentioned fields); original empirical research; and theoretical papers. The result is a comprehensive handbook of up-t
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o date research and scholarship on this important and fast-changing subject, which will be of use to all students and researchers of the contemporary Arab world." (Publisher description)
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"Underperformance of the Arabic book translation industry is attributable to (among other factors) severe coordination failures. This is a state of affairs in which the inability of the different agents (translators, book publishers, suppliers, customers, and supporting organizations, state, and so
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forth) to coordinate their behavior (choices) leads to suboptimal outcomes. Since the economic performance of the translation industry often involves complementary investments whose return depends on other investments being made by other agents, coordination is crucial. Obviously, neither market forces nor the state have undertaken this coordination activity sufficiently. The Arabic book translation industry seems to suffer from both market failure and government failure. In light of these results the Arabic book translation industry offers great economic potential that should be mobilized systematically in the future. This paper discusses how this can be achieved, based on a well-designed and implemented process of upgrading and innovation in companies, industries, and clusters related to translation activities. Public policy, properly understood and adequately implemented, can play an important role in this process." (Summary, page 1)
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"In this book, leading international scholars examine the way new media is reshaping lives and politics. Covering topics from women's rights to terrorism, and countries from Israel to Saudi Arabia, these authors explore the global and regional ramifications of the proliferation of communication tech
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nologies and the information they disseminate." (Publisher description)
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"[...] This authoritative book answers key questions about the connections between media and political change in the Arab world. Using research into, for example, practices of Internet users, journalists, demonstrators and producers of reality TV, it explores the interface between public interaction
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over the airwaves, at the polls and on the streets. A lively group of contributors explores such issues as whether young people are served well by new media, whether blogging is an influential political tool, whether satellite news helps or hinders diasporic communities politically, and much more." (Publisher description)
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"This book discusses the fundamental elements of media systems and shows how they are used in eight sample countries. Unlike other books, it is organized according to media elements, with comparative discussions of all eight countries within each chapter. This helps readers make connections and comp
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arisons between the countries and allows them to apply the concepts to other countries not discussed in the book. Comparing Media from Around the World also features exciting photographs from the sample countries showing not only the media but how they are experienced in context (for example, a newspaper stand in France and an internet cafe in Ghana)." (Publisher description)
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"The reorganisation of radio broadcasting in the five Arab countries we have looked at is a slow, unequal, up-and-down and unfinished process. It is unfinished in that some states (Egypt and Syria), still have not published the conditions for awarding broadcasting licenses, even though some independ
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ent stations have received authorisation. The beneficiary stations thus have no real legal status, but are private businesses broadcasting music, and refraining from broadcasting news. The stations seem to be of most benefit to businessmen close to the authorities, and are more a part of the process of State privatisation than media democratisation. There is a general lack of transparency, and very little information is available about these radio stations. Journalists know little about the shareholders, working conditions in the stations and how they are organised. The legal vacuum will no doubt eventually be filled in these two countries. But, for the time being, radio broadcasting in Egypt and Syria remains totally under the control of the authorities. Lebanon is a special case. By allowing radio and television stations to be privately owned, Lebanon has essentially brought an existing state of affairs within the law, since these independent stations did not wait for the 1996 law to be passed before going on the air. Nevertheless, the various attempts to prevent religious interests from controlling the media have so far failed, and the political stations are a direct mirror of the country’s religious polarities. Every political/religious party has its own radio station (and television channel), which it uses to support its political choices. And the only non-religious station, Sawt Al-Shab, is close to the Lebanese Communist Party. Despite their vulnerability, the Palestinian and Jordanian experiments are without doubt the most promising. The legal framework is restrictive, in these two countries, but the privatelyowned stations are pushing back the boundaries of news broadcasting, are helping to render the media more autonomous, and introducing a relative degree of democracy in the field of information. But these experiments remain dependent on the unstable political context and resulting legal restrictions. The new legislation is more favourable to entertainment stations and benefits businessmen close to the authorities, leaving little space for civil society radio projects to develop." (Conclusion, page 42)
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