"Various media freedom NGOs have noted that progress achieved in 2019 in terms of freedom of expression and of the media was disrupted by a series of internet shutdowns as well as by an anti-hate speech law adopted in 2020, whose vague provisions have drawn criticism from specialized observers. Furt
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hermore, the armed conflict that broke out in the Tigray region in November 2020 has pointed out to concerning trends, with journalists reporting having been barred to travel to the region. Responding to these setbacks, the UNESCO Addis Ababa Office launched in 2020 on the occasion of World Press Freedom Day an online campaign promoting freedom of expression, media freedom and the safety of journalists within the national context of democratic transition. In addition, the campaign aimed at encouraging professional journalism within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, which has, as in many other countries, come to further complicate the challenges faced by Ethiopian media." (Page 2)
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"In an effort to support the smooth running of the 2021 General Elections, Zambia was integrated as a target country under the MDP. In partnership with MISA Zambia, UNESCO supported local journalists and editors to enhance their capacities on mis/disinformation, electoral reporting and safety measur
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es. In addition, policy makers and security forces were also engaged on the role of media during elections and on the importance of ensuring their safety." (Page 2)
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"Sudan’s transitional authorities expressed a strong political commitment to reform laws and policies relative to freedom of expression, media freedom and access to information. This was notably demonstrated by the suspension of old laws limiting freedom of expression, as well as by the signing of
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the Media Freedom Coalition’s Global Pledge to Defend Media Freedom by Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok in September 2019 within the margins of the United Nations General Assembly. He declared on this occasion that “never again in the new Sudan will a journalist be repressed or jailed”. Sudan also signed the Hague Commitment to Increase the Safety of Journalists in 2020. Sudan’s transitional authorities requested UNESCO’s support in this reform endeavour, an opportunity that the Organization seized through its Khartoum Office with funding from the MDP. An agreement was subsequently signed with Sudan’s Ministry of Culture and Information to launch a project with two components. The first component was to conduct an analysis of existing media laws and to develop a roadmap to address legislative reform, institution building, investment in technical infrastructure along with training and employment of media professionals. The second was to strengthen the capacities of Sudanese journalists in countering disinformation and preventing violent extremism and hate speech. The British Embassy in Khartoum then joined the project, and a joint committee representing all three parties war formed. UNESCO thus set in motion in late 2019 a series of high-level meetings with the aim of building coalitions to support future reforms and of advising Sudanese authorities on this process." (Pages 1-2)
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"Namibia was thus added as a beneficiary country under the MDP in the second quarter of 2021, with the aim of reviewing the current draft bill and of increasing awareness on the right to access information by mobilizing government, civil society, and the Namibian public to take ownership and contrib
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ute to the achievement of SDG target 16.10. Actions deployed for this purpose were aligned with the global theme of World Press Freedom Day (WPFD) 2021, “Information as a Public Good” and with the Windhoek+30 Declaration." (Page 2)
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"The role of the media is critical for the future of South Sudan’s peacebuilding process, democracy and development. For this purpose, the Multi-Donor Programme has since 2018 supported the establishment of a safe and enabling environment for media through advocacy, awareness-raising, capacity-bui
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lding and policy advice. This support builds on past actions undertaken by UNESCO, such as advocacy towards the adoption of Access to Information, Broadcasting Corporation and Media Authority laws, the set-up of a national monitoring and reporting mechanism on media violations through the Union of Journalists’ Media Observatory, and the production of safety training modules adopted by the University of Juba, the Media Development Institute and the Association for Media Development in South Sudan (AMDISS)." (Page 2)
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"This ground-breaking three-year global study on gender-based online violence against women journalists represents collaborative research covering 15 countries. It is the most geographically, linguistically, and ethnically diverse scoping of the crisis conducted up until late 2022. The research draw
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s on: the inputs of nearly 1,100 survey participants and interviewees; 2 big data case studies examining 2.5 million social media posts directed at Nobel Laureate Maria Ressa (The Philippines) and multi award-winning investigative journalist Carole Cadwalladr (UK); 15 detailed individual country case studies. The Chilling illuminates the evolving challenges faced by women journalists dealing with prolific and/or sustained online violence around the world. It calls out the victim-blaming and slut-shaming that perpetuates sexist and misogynistic responses to offline violence against women in the online environment, where patriarchal norms are being aggressively reinforced. It also clearly demonstrates that the incidence and impacts of gender-based online violence are worse at the intersection of misogyny and other forms of discrimination, such as racism, religious bigotry, antisemitism, homophobia and transphobia. Further, it identifies political actors who leverage misogyny and anti-news media narratives in their attacks as top perpetrators of online violence against women journalists, while the main vectors are social media platforms - most notably Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube." (Exexutive summary)
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"This report details the legal framework / rule of law tools in place, and responses by the government, social media companies, and civil society to address illegal harmful content and potentially harmful content online in Kenya. This research draws from 13 interviews with people active in Kenya's g
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overnment and civil society, along with four workshops held in Nairobi, Kisumu, and Mombasa counties. The workshops attracted the participation of 105 actors and stakeholders from civil society, community-based organizations, technology companies, and representatives from line ministries and agencies in government. It also draws from trends gathered from Build Up' social media listening process, along with existing research, legislation, policies, and current events. The social media listening process focused on Twitter and Facebook, from 2017 to 2022, focusing on ethnic, political, and gender-based hateful narratives and peace messaging in the run-up to the next election cycle in August 2022. The literature review and interviews focused on existing legislation or company policies that address hate speech and misinformation, along with actions taken by government agencies, civil society, and technology companies to address related hate speech and misinformation narratives." (Introduction, page 1 & Methodology, page 5)
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"From the findings of the survey, it emerges that mental issues are widespread among journalists. It is notable and concerning that among the respondents, there is generally a significant percentage of them who either lack knowledge on issues of mental health, or for those that have knowledge and ca
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n identify issues within themselves, or others have challenges with seeking help or assistance through intervention. There is a recognisable gap that newsroom managers are either inaccessible or have no capacity to implement inhouse interventions on matters of mental health. It is also clear that work related pressure and work environment are the leading causes of mental health amongst journalists. Most of the respondents believe that there is a cure for mental health related issues, which is a positive thing." (Conclusion, page 24)
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"This book Visual Cultures of Africa tells stories of the past, present, and future and how intricately linked cultures and identities are. The book explores the complex histories and discusses how people have used images, objects, and artefacts to describe what is going on in society and give expre
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ssions of their fears, hopes, and resolutions for centuries." (Preface)
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"This study looks at Ugandan news media coverage of road safety, focusing on the country's three main daily newspapers, three television stations, and two online platforms. The study explores the attention and the nature of coverage these media platforms paid road safety (including road traffic cras
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hes and measures to mitigate them) from 1 August 2021 to 31 July 2022. Relying mainly on quantitative content analysis, the study explores the quantity of stories on road safety, the types of articles published (news, analysis, opinion, features, etc.), the reporting formats employed, the topics covered, and the sourcing." (Introduction)
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"VillageReach has started to work with governments in Africa to improve access to primary health care, including immunization programs. One method is to systematically monitor and respond to vaccine questions and misinformation in public discourse through a process called social listening. The appro
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ach applies a framework proposed by Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance and partners. It identifies the critical barriers to vaccine demand, including access and availability. The social listening analysis helps health systems prioritize responses to address information needs, gaps and emerging misinformation and rumors." (Page 1)
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"This study argues for the diversification of South Africa's digital economy, as it builds a case for the support of platform co-operatives, which are worker-owned and managed social enterprises that contribute to the diversification, decentralisation and democratisation of the digital economy by fo
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stering structural change for fair social outcomes as a natural consequence of economic development. Platform cooperatives represent an important counterbalance to the rent-seeking venture capital funded tech monopolies that currently dominate the platform economy. This study views their emergence - as well as other social enterprise models - as a gauge for the diversification of South Africa's digital economy." (Introduction)
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"Worldwide, it is anticipated that care needs of older populations will outstrip available resources. Sub-Saharan Africa lacks relevant long-term care systems for older persons, and technology could play a crucial role in supporting families, communities and government in vital care management. This
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volume addresses, in three parts, the under-explored topic of age-inclusive ICT development and use in resource-poor countries. Part 1, Context and Project Background, sets out ICT service delivery to older persons globally and within South Africa, drawing on guiding legislative frameworks. It discusses the we-deliver project as an example of developing and applying age-inclusive technology in developing countries. Part 2, Principles, Process and Applications, proposes situationally and relationally informed ethical conduct in applying community-based research; the development of a questionnaire and application to present first-time baseline findings of older South Africans’ cell phone use, highlighting its intergenerational facilitation. The development of the Yabelana (alluding to ‘sharing’) ecosystem (consisting of a website, an app, and an unstructured supplementary service data (USSD) code) turned out to be a first of its kind: a digital self-sustaining technology artefact that serves as an eDirectory to provide information about local services or events for (but not exclusively) older individuals. Part 3, Critical Reflections and the Way Forward, considers the inclusion of marginalized older individuals and the future of ICT and cell phone technology to inform research, practice, and policy." (Back cover)
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"This thesis uses a comparative case study to examine Tanzania and Ghana, two countries where China has contributed or sold large amounts of infrastructure, but who have seen different political reactions to and uses of this infrastructure. It poses the question: how do we explain the differing path
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s these two emerging democracies take in their political utilization of unregulated digital infrastructure investment? By analyzing elections and regulation in both countries over a period of roughly 15 years, this thesis examines the role that the timing of the introduction of digital infrastructure plays in each country's political reaction. It argues that in Tanzania, where digital infrastructure was adopted later than Ghana, country leaders perceived the internet as a threat to their hold on power and therefore internally developed a 'normal' standard of behavior and governance that was much less open. Ultimately, it concludes that countries combine internal concepts with outside rhetoric, both from China and the Global North, to justify their actions internationally." (Abstract)
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"The call to decolonize African Studies has a profound influence on the field, with varying degrees of success. This article addresses this topic in relation to the author’s personal experiences in the publishing industry in Namibia. By describing the attempt to publish a historical book about Nam
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ibian beer with a well-known German–Namibian publishing house, the lingering power of German–Namibian settler colonialism becomes clear. This article renders visible the power structures within the Namibian book market that perpetuates a whitewashed version of Namibian history and argues that decolonizing knowledge cannot succeed without paying attention to the (private) publishing industry." (Abstract)
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"Through in-depth qualitative research and a survey to confirm and quantify findings, this study aims to provide a more holistic understanding of how displacement-affected communities in three humanitarian settings are using their mobile phones. These settings were chosen to provide a variety of per
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spectives on the research questions: North and Akkar governorates in Lebanon, which host tens of thousands of Syrian refugees and are the most economically underdeveloped regions in the country; Iowara refugee settlement in Western Province, Papua New Guinea (PNG), which hosts between 2,500 and 3,000 refugees from West Papua, Indonesia (Iowara is an extremely remote settlement that is hard to reach from the nearest town of Kiunga and has a host population of only about 200 people); Bor Protection of Civilians (PoC) site in South Sudan, which hosts about 2,687 internally displaced Nuer people and is located 7 kilometres from the urban centre of Bor Town. Deep qualitative engagement and surveys with refugees, internally displaced people (IDPs) and host communities revealed complex digital worlds in which people use their mobile phones to navigate and cope with difficult daily realities. Connecting with friends and family, staying up to date on news and information from home or relaxing with music are all ways for people to respond to the challenges they face. However, these complex uses also present risks for mobile phone users. The research highlights the impacts of low digital literacy, online scams, misinformation, disinformation and hate speech (MDH), and how humanitarians, mobile network operators (MNOs) and other digital and financial service providers can help protect people from those risks." (Executive summary)
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"The Zambia Digital Ecosystem Country Assessment report outlines the key aspects of the country's digital ecosystem and provides recommendations for the international development community to create a more inclusive, safe, and enabling environment to achieve development outcomes." (https://www.usaid
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.gov/digital-development)
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"This paper measures how often audiences in Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa consume Chinese media, and investigates whether a positive relationship exists between the consumption of English language Chinese media and attitudes towards China. Method: We analyze three waves of survey data collected in
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2017/2018, 2020 and 2021 (N = 5876) in Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa. Findings: We show that, while Chinese State-owned news media have a growing but limited following, the minority of media users who report getting news from Chinese media have better attitudes towards China than those who don’t. Implications: Our findings suggest that Beijing’s external communication activities might have the potential to fulfil Beijing’s goal of improving the country’s image overseas, provided that media reached a wider audience." (Abstract)
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"For most of its modern history, the news media in Ethiopia have been a tool for government control. But 2018 brought a wave of optimism to Africa’s second most populous nation. Anti-government protests forced the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to undertake majo
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r reforms to its authoritarian rule in an effort to stave off mass violence and the potential collapse of the central government. The incumbent prime minister, Hai lemariam Desalegn, was forced to resign. In his place, the EPRDF nominated Abiy Ahmed, a young and charismatic reformer from the long-marginalized Oromiya region. Overnight, protestors lifted roadblocks and popular discontent transformed into euphoria and hope for a better future. This set the stage for one of the most remarkable attempts at media reform in sub-Saharan Africa in recent years. The Abiy government freed journalists from prison; deregulated the sector, enabling the establishment of dozens of new media houses; and put into motion a media reform process that brought government and civil society together in a shared vision for change. However, these early successes have faltered. Quick deregulation without strong enabling institutions and laws created a surge of media outlets and journalism associations that fueled polarization and conflict along ethnic fault lines." (Page 1)
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