"In India, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) employs a digital army of right-wing supporters to harass journalists who are critical of the party's Hindu-nationalist ideology. As a result, the country's press freedom rankings have significantly declined over the past decade. While scholars have
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examined the discursive strategies used by online Hindu nationalists against journalists, how reporters cope with these attacks remains unknown. This study investigates how Indian media professionals perceive the personal and professional consequences of harassment for themselves and the coping strategies they use to combat digital hate. In-depth interviews with 24 journalists reveal that they employ mechanisms such as strategic social disconnection, formation of alliance networks, and working for non-profit news sites and international media organizations to overcome the effects of social media harassment. The analysis also highlights that commercial media that are subservient to the Modi government failed to protect their reporters, while independent media outlets provide much more support to their employees. The findings underscore the need for social media companies to promptly respond to content flagged by journalists and allocate additional resources to moderate hate speech in India's local languages to safeguard journalists from sustained online abuse." (Abstract)
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"Nations use media to disseminate stories about their culture, history, and values. This study explored Russian public-diplomacy efforts by examining news content exported to its neighbors, Ukraine and Georgia, from February 2021 to July 2021, approximately one year before Russia’s invasion of Ukr
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aine. We looked at pro-Russia media that targeted Russian-speaking Georgians and Ukrainians showing that Russian public-diplomacy messaging was not so much about Russia, as it was about anti-Western frames. Local pro- Russia media in Ukraine and Georgia repeated these anti-Western frames in their news coverage. These anti-Western frames provide insight into the messaging before the February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, thus contributing unique insights into public-diplomacy messaging for theorizing soft and hard power." (Abstract)
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"This volume addresses the concept of “(in)nocent lies” in the media – beyond the concept of misleading information online, this extends to a deliberate effort to spread misinformation, disinformation and conspiracy theories – and proposes a critical approach to tackle the issue in related i
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nterdisciplinary fields. The book takes a multidisciplinary and international approach, addressing the digital divide and global inequality, as well as algorithmic bias, how misinformation harms vulnerable groups, social lynching and the effect of misinformation on certain social, political and cultural agendas, among other topics. Arranged thematically, the chapters paint a nuanced and original picture of this issue." (Publisher description)
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"Edutainment intervention is a popular and inexpensive behavioural change communication toolkit to raise positive social norms through broadcast media. We evaluated a 26-episode nationally broadcasted television series targeted to improve attitudes towards preventing child marriage in Bangladesh. We
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applied a randomised encouragement design to motivate our subjects to watch the series, addressing their self-selection issues concerning viewership. We randomly assigned a sample of 1,162 households into three arms: (T1) received weekly SMS reminders, (T2) received weekly SMSs and telephone calls, and (C) pure control. We followed up with 1,096 households, collected information on viewership and self-reported attitudes, and conducted a dictator game experiment to understand their revealed attitudes towards child marriage. We found considerable variations in viewership across the arms, suggesting associations with reminder intensity. Compared to the average control group viewership of about 0.15 episodes (SD = 0.82), T2 generated a difference of about 1.50–1.93 episodes (P < 0.01), depending on the respondent types. Following an instrumental variable approach, we found that exposure was not associated with both stated and revealed attitudes towards preventing child marriage. However, we found behavioural experiment was less prone to social desirability bias in assessing sensitive topics such as child marriage." (Publisher description)
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"This study discusses the relationship among the various dimensions of populism, hate speech, and disinformation within the political discourse on X (formerly Twitter) in India and Pakistan. Employing manual content analysis, we examined 7,141 posts from both populist and non-populist political lead
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ers in both countries. Our findings reveal a significant correlation among these three challenging concepts, indicating that posts exhibiting higher levels of populism also tend to score higher on both hate speech and disinformation. Although certain aspects of populism, such as a pro-people and anti-elite approach, are not inherently harmful, our study emphasizes that Manicheanism is a problematic concept in political discourses because of its close association with hate speech and disinformation." (Abstract)
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"This handbook reviews extant research and offers critical summaries of key topics and issues in the field, enriched by authoritative analyses of specific cases and examples. It displays pluralism across a number of axes: epistemological, theoretical, geographical, cultural, and thematic. The first
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part offers historical routes through the international development of the field and explores the epistemological grounds of multiple strands of environmental communication studies. In aiming to map the field broadly, as well as stimulating new thinking, the second part is organized along three core perspectives: arenas, voice, and place. It comprises chapters on various public spaces that are critical to the symbolic constitution of the environment, and sheds light on a range of aspects and social agents that have received insufficient attention, including research about – and carried out in – non-Western countries." (Publisher description)
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"Digital Religion refers to the contemporary practice and understanding that religion takes place in both online and offline contexts, and how these contexts intersect with each other. Scholars in this growing field of Digital Religion studies recognize that religion has been influenced by its engag
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ement with computer-mediated digital spaces, including not only the Internet, but other emerging technologies, such as mobile phones, digital wearables, virtual reality, and artificial intelligence. The Oxford Handbook of Digital Religion provides a comprehensive overview of religion as seen and performed through various platforms and cultural spaces created by digital technology. The text covers religious interaction with a wide range of digital media forms (including social media, websites, gaming environments, virtual and augmented realities, and artificial intelligence) and highlights examples of technological engagement and negotiation within the major world religions (i.e., Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism). Additional sections cover the global manifestations of religious community, identity, ethics, and authority, with a final group of chapters addressing emerging technologies and the future of the field." (Publisher description)
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"Since the outburst and spread of what was known as the ‘Arab Uprisings’ in 2010, the political and media landscapes in the Middle East region have dramatically changed. The initial hope for democratic change and governance quality improvements has faded, as several regimes in the Middle East ha
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ve strengthened their repressive tactics toward voices deemed critical of governments’ practices, including journalists, bloggers, and activists. The crumbling Arab media scene has also reached an abysmal low, with little to no independence, and public perception of basic freedoms in the region has significantly dropped, as has trust in media and government institutions. This book examines current challenges to media freedom, political participation, and democratisation in the region while reassessing the dynamic relationship between media use and political engagement, amidst a complex political environment accompanied by a rapidly changing digital media landscape." (Publisher description)
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"Since August 2021, almost 50% of media outlets have ceased their operations in Afghanistan. An estimated 90% of women journalists have lost their jobs, with many more media workers having fled the country or been forced into hiding. Replying to a call from over hundred anonymous journalists for con
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tinued assistance inside the country, UNESCO’s response focused on the provision of lifeline resources to support the Afghan media sectors while restoring longer term media viability. It is in this context that the EU-funded project “Support to Afghan Media Resilience to Foster Peace and Security”, implemented from November 2022 to April 2024, has played a key role in addressing and mitigating Afghan media challenges, while fostering continued access to information of the Afghan population, especially conflict sensitive reporting, humanitarian information and educational broadcasting, with a specific focus on women journalists, youth and minority groups." (Back cover)
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"While most adult Afghans have access to some form of media platform, only around one in three have access to internet, with less than half of mobile users owning a smartphone. Men exhibit higher usage of radio and internet compared to women (52% male vs 43% female for radio and 36% vs 29% for inter
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net). Use of TV, however, is nearly identical among men and women. Men predominantly use media in the evenings between 7 to 10 pm, while women use media during the day, with an increase in women’s TV usage during daylight hours compared to findings from our previous survey (March 2021). With increased limitations on women’s movement, work and education; media and the internet have become essential lifelines for women, serving as their main source of news and information." (Key findings, page 2)
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"This study delves into the intricate realm of gender and artificial intelligence (AI) through an examination of DALL-E 2-generated images within the Indian context. It takes a methodological approach that focuses on assessing images generated in response to prompts such as ‘a farmer cultivating c
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rops in rural Punjab’ to reveal the dynamics of gender performativity within professions. The generated images were thematically analysed using dress as a phenomenon to visualise Indian man, Indian woman and ambiguous Indian. The study concludes that DALL-E 2 reinforces the binary gender norms, leaving no space for ambiguous Indian in its responses. Although the generated image is centred on female professions, it is frequently employed in ‘male’ surroundings. Hindu religious symbols are largely used among male professionals to denote religious and gender predominance. A brown complexion reflects demographics regardless of gender, while female professionals tend to undergo a process of aesthetic enhancement, suggesting societal beauty standards." (Abstract)
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"The Taliban retook control of Afghanistan on Aug. 15, 2021 after two decades of fighting on the ground and manipulating narratives online, particularly on social media. Their tactical use of social media was more evident in 2021 when they were advancing their territorial gains and posting on social
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media to promote the idea of their impending return to power. This study aims to understand the (ab)use of social media by the resurgent Taliban 2.0 and to suggest ways young Afghans can utilize social media to navigate their lives under the new regime. The authors undertook a critical review of the literature to analyze the Taliban’s social media tactics in manipulating public narratives to portray themselves as the legitimate rulers of Afghans. The study finds that the Taliban’s adaptation of social media tools helped them retake control of Afghanistan by influencing public narratives in their favor. This study recommends promoting critical thinking abilities among young Afghans to utilize social media to express dissent and advocate for their rights." (Abstract)
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"Soziale Medien haben die Verbreitung von Antisemitismus revolutioniert. Algorithmisch verstärkt verbreitet sich Antisemitismus auf den Plattformen in Sekundenschnelle, kostenlos und global. Die daraus resultierende Gefahr für Jüdinnen*Juden ist eine große gesellschaftliche Herausforderung. Das
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Buch gibt Einblicke in Fallstudien auf verschiedenen Plattformen und zeigt, wie soziale Medien durch die Verbreitung antisemitischer Inhalte von politischem Akteur*innen instrumentalisiert werden. Es werden innovative Methoden und Tools (CrowdTangle oder Voyant Tools) und neue Konzepte (Social Media Literacy, tertiärer Antisemitismus, antisemitische Eskalation) vorgestellt und Strategien, um Antisemitismus auf den Plattformen zu bekämpfen, kritisch evaluiert. Dieses Buch bietet eine umfassende Einführung für alle, die sich mit der Problematik Antisemitismus in den sozialen Medien auseinandersetzen wollen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Women in Afghanistan continue to have less access to information than men, particularly through TV and the internet. At least 33% of women (more in rural areas) rely on family as a key source of information, while men prioritise other information sources. Yet Afghan women’s information needs have
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never been more pronounced – due to restrictions on their activities, many are confined to their homes. Women in Afghanistan with media access rely on this more than ever to keep updated on issues that concern them, and spend more time accessing and using media: "Now women are in the confines of their homes… The virtual space is the only window for us to learn about what is happening." (Female FGD participant, Herat).
Two-thirds (65%) of female survey respondents say that the media is “very important” in their daily lives, compared with half (51%) of male respondents. Despite various efforts to cater to female audiences, 67% of female and male respondents feel that Afghan media only “somewhat” or “rarely” meets women’s needs. Reflecting restrictions on media content, respondents complain that domestic media contains too much religious content and not enough entertainment. However, educational content is still allowed, providing women and girls who are denied access to schooling with a vital source of education.
Respondents are more satisfied with the balance of content in international media and media run by Afghans in exile, and they are more likely to watch some types of entertainment, such as movies, on international than domestic TV. However, a number of international media outlets are inaccessible from Afghanistan. Journalists inside Afghanistan are banned from working with international TV/radio channels or news sites, and some have been arrested for doing so.
87% of respondents say the presence of women in the media in Afghanistan has decreased since August 2021. Only 41% could name a female presenter or journalist. Almost all of those named by respondents worked in the media before 2021, or currently work from outside Afghanistan. Audience members support women featuring in news and educational programmes but are less supportive of them featuring in comedy and sports content. Over half (54%) of the general survey respondents say they would support a female relative to work as a journalist. A further 12% would support a female relative under certain conditions, including wearing the hijab and travelling with a mahram (women cannot leave their home without a male chaperone)." (Executive summary, page 6)
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"The study attempts to understand how Pakistani journalists perceive Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and resilience in the wake of covering traumatic events. Qualitative interviews of 32 Pakistani journalists were conducted who had covered military operations against militants. The findings in
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dicated that most of the journalists were not able to comprehend the impact of covering traumatizing events as they were war-excited. Conflict journalists perceived PTSD as depression, anxiety, insomnia, and intrusive recollection of events after exposure to traumatic events. Journalists who were exposed to beheadings and events involving killing of women and children felt more vulnerable and perceived PTSD as having a numbing effect on them. Dependence on family and friends was considered more crucial for dealing with the after effects of exposure to trauma than seeking therapy. Non-availability of medical insurance and funds from the media organizations were termed as important reasons for avoiding therapy. Resilience for conflict reporters was mostly perceived as the ability to “cope up” and to contribute to the wellbeing of others along with the ability to revisit trauma sites to report follow-up stories. Resilience was considered more achievable in the presence of organizational acknowledgement, compensation, and recognition of work." (Abstract)
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