"The Taliban have revoked and suspended laws that included the right to access information and freedom of expression, and currently there is no effective legal mechanism to protect media outlets and journalists against interference and intimidation. This has led to widespread violation of the right
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to freedom of expression and access to information and has eliminated the ability of citizens to participate in government decision-making that impacts their lives. The findings of this report indicate that the Taliban, with complete disregard to Afghanistan’s international human rights commitments and the country’s pre-Taliban laws, have engaged in suppressing freedom of expression and media using various tools and methods, particularly imposing unlawful and discriminatory restrictions on women journalists. Currently, only a few women journalists are working with the media, conditional upon fully complying with the conditions set by the Taliban’s Ministry of Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of vice (MPVPV). In addition to this, the Taliban have engaged in persistent harassment and intimidation of media, arbitrary detention and torture of journalists, the detention and killing of protesters and imposing extensive restrictions on the activities of libraries, bookstores, and publishers. The provincial departments of MPVPV, Ministry of Information & Culture (MoIC), General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI), and Police Directorates are among the key institutions involved in suppression of freedom of expression and access to information. The Taliban have also dismantled accountability mechanisms such as independent judiciary, independent anti-corruption bodies and prevent media’s access to information on national budget expenditure, thus leading to administrative and financial corruption." (Introduction)
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"This research study delves into the intricate landscape of media in Afghanistan after 15 August 2021, focusing on the coexistence of local and Expat Afghan Media within the challenging context of Taliban constraints. In the wake of the Taliban's resurgence and control of Afghanistan, The challengin
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g environment has compelled many journalists to flee the country, and media outlets have been grappled with a myriad of restrictions and limitations. This study seeks to shed light on the unique dynamics, struggles, and resilience displayed by these media entities as they navigate a complex environment characterized by censorship, security concerns, and shifting political realities. Through a comprehensive analysis of case studies, reports, and content analysis, this research aims to provide insights into the role of media in shaping public discourse, promoting free expression, and fostering a sense of identity and belonging among Afghans during these challenging times. Ultimately, this investigation contributes to a deeper understanding of the critical role media plays in societies facing political and ideological constraints and highlights the voices that persist amidst adversity." (Abstract)
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"Erosion of Media Freedom in Afghanistan: Since the Taliban regained power in August 2021, media freedom in Afghanistan has drastically declined. Over half of the country's media outlets have closed, leading to widespread unemployment among journalists. The Taliban's media policies enforce strict ce
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nsorship, resulting in self-censorship and threats to journalists still working. As one journalist in Kabul said, "The media in Afghanistan is dead; we were forced out of our jobs, and those who remain face daily threats."
Severe Content Censorship: The Taliban has imposed strict regulations on media content, banning any reports that contradict their interpretation of Islamic values or Afghan national interests. As a result, 95% of journalists surveyed in Afghanistan reported facing restrictions when attempting to document and broadcast their work. "We are no longer allowed to report on incidents involving the Taliban, especially when it comes to conflicts within their ranks," shared a journalist from Badakhshan.
Gender-Based Discrimination and Exclusion: Female journalists have been systematically targeted, leading many to leave the profession. Women working in the media are subjected to strict limitations, such as being required to cover their faces while on air and being denied opportunities to work. This has effectively silenced female voices in Afghan media.
Arbitrary Detention and Physical Abuse: The Taliban have used arbitrary detention and physical abuse as tools to suppress independent journalism. Journalists are often detained without charge, held in poor conditions, and subjected to physical abuse. "Many of us live in fear of being arrested without cause," said one journalist who had been detained. The report found that 73% of detained journalists reported experiencing physical abuse during their detention.
Self-Censorship as a Survival Tactic: The pervasive atmosphere of fear and intimidation has led to widespread self-censorship among journalists, both within Afghanistan and in exile. This has resulted in a homogenized media landscape, with many journalists avoiding sensitive topics to protect themselves from potential repercussions. A journalist in Afghanistan said, "Many of us live in fear of being arrested without cause." (Key findings, page 6)
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"Die beschriebene Quellenlage stellt auch für die Länderanalyse eine Herausforderung dar. Afghanische Medien geben einen guten Überblick darüber, wie die Taliban sich präsentieren möchten. Auch neue Verordnungen und Erlasse der Zentralregierung sind so nachvollziehbar. Dies gilt jedoch nicht f
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ür die Situation in den Provinzen, aus denen es nur sporadische Berichte gibt. Afghanische Medien mit Sitz im Ausland geben auch vereinzelte Einblicke in Vorfälle von Gewalt und Verfolgung. Manchmal können internationale Medien zusätzliche Informationen liefern. Soziale Medien liefern Hinweise auf Protestbewegungen und selten auch Informationen zu Verfolgung und bewaffneten Auseinandersetzungen. Diese Informationen werden auf Grund der fehlenden Möglichkeit zur Verifizierung jedoch nur genutzt, wenn sie nach der Einordnung in die allgemeine Lage plausibel erscheinen. Insgesamt findet ein regelmäßiger Abgleich mit Berichten von internationalen Organisationen und deren Einschätzungen der Situation in Afghanistan statt. Nichtsdestotrotz ist die Informationslage zu allen oben genannten „unerwünschten Themen“ unverändert als sehr schlecht einzuschätzen." (Fazit, Seite 6)
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"This report examines the state of media freedom in Afghanistan for the period from 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024. Under the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, the media sector grew exponentially in the country, leading to the broadening of media platforms and greater access to
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more diverse domestic sources of news and information. However, after 15 August 2021, a large number of media outlets ceased their operations. This has been attributed to different factors, including loss of revenue stemming from the overall economic difficulties of the country, the withdrawal of donor support after the Taliban takeover, an exodus of journalists, as well as various restrictions imposed by the de facto authorities. The de facto authorities continue to create an extremely challenging operating environment for media, including but not limited to censorship and difficulties in accessing information. Additionally, journalists and media workers are subjected to intimidation, arbitrary arrest and detention, ill-treatment, court proceedings and imprisonment for performing their functions.
The de facto authorities’ measures interfering with editorial content and internal operation of media outlets have substantially diminished media freedom. Between 15 August 2021 to 30 September 2024, UNAMA HRS documented instances of human rights violations affecting 336 journalists and media workers – 256 instances of arbitrary arrest and detention (249 men, 7 women), 130 torture and ill-treatment (122 men, 8 women) and 75 threats or intimidation (66 men, 9 women). The lack of transparent procedures in determining violations and the use of intimidation, arbitrary arrests and detentions on those who criticize the de facto authorities create a culture of self-censorship and negatively impact freedom of expression.
On 19 September 2021, the de facto authorities’ “Government Media and Information Centre” issued an 11-Point Guidance to media, forbidding the publication of content deemed contrary to Islam and Afghan culture, or more broadly deemed to be against national interests. Media are often required to co-ordinate and seek approval from the de facto authorities prior to publishing a report, while news agendas are subjected to pre-vetting, which is tantamount to censorship. What constitutes content in violation of the guidance on editorial content is subject to broad and uncertain interpretation. Nonetheless, the fact that violations, or perceived violations, can lead to severe punishment creates a pervasive culture of self-censorship among journalists. As these instructions aim at limiting the range of permissible topics for public discourse and in penalizing media outlets being critical of the de facto authorities, they are incompatible with the conditions needed to limit freedom of expression under the ICCPR." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"In this article, we reveal how students in low-income communities in India use and ascribe meaning to dominant proprietary EdTech platforms and conferencing tools through family ethnographies. We explore how these platforms and associated online learning tools influence existing educational practic
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es and lead to the emergence of new forms of learning. Proprietary platforms are situated at the intersection of neoliberal-capitalist forces and welfare policies of public schooling and share a productive association with students’ everyday lives, identities, and cultural realities. Understanding the performative effects of these platforms requires that we examine them as part of broader sociotechnical assemblages. We argue that EdTech platforms should not be built simply on principles of standardization and scalability. EdTech platforms are designed to standardize education and make the model scalable, thus undermining students’ social relationships and placebased learning needs. Such a design and approach have an associated gender and class cost." (Abstract)
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"Welchen Einfluss haben Gesinnungen der Gewalt auf die gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen in Afghanistan? Die internationalen Beiträger*innen richten ihren Blick auf linke, dschihadistische sowie talibanistische Ideologien und Praktiken in der jüngeren afghanischen Geschichte. Multiperspektivisch ze
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ichnen sie den Verlauf der letzten 20 Jahre nach und fokussieren dabei vor allem auf den dramatischen Wandel, den die afghanische Bevölkerung in Bezug auf Kultur, Frauenrechte und Medien durchlebt: Einstige Sehnsüchte und die Hoffnung auf eine offene Gesellschaft verwandeln sich durch ein Wiedererstarken der Taliban in Alpträume." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"An overview of the Armenian media system is presented from the perspective of media professionals. Interference with the media system by the political system is analysed and the health of the Armenian media system is explored in the context of its transition from a Soviet republic towards a liberal
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model. The international situation contextualises analysis (resurgence of Russia-West enmity and globalisation) as does Armenia's troubled relationship with its neighbours: with Turkey due to the 1915 genocide and with Azerbaijan because of the dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh. Relevant domestic affairs, such as the successful citizens' mobilisation and the 2018 Velvet Revolution are also considered. The methodology used is based on in-depth interviews carried out in Yerevan (09/23) with 13 key informants; their answers are explored with content analysis using Hallin and Mancini's dimensions. The study will serve to discuss how the media are used as tools of power and how the media system reproduces the political system (polarisation and individual ownership). We find that media is owned and/or controlled by political parties, and that the government controls public media but also part of the private sector through broadcasting licences and economic pressure. News media are not self-sustainable; thus, media economic dependence compromises its editorial independence, and very few media are independent. There is plurality, but highly polarised; there is no systematic censorship, but defamation fines reinforce journalists' self-censorship; internet freedom is high but generates misinformation. Even so, there is professionalism, therefore there may yet be hope for the media if peace and the economy stabilise." (Abstract)
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"This article attempts to explain the current situation of the Turkish media system through the media systems approach as a case study with special attention to the concept of media capture. We propose that the Turkish media system's shift is heavily influenced by media capture. We associate four of
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Hallin and Mancini's media systems concepts related to the effects of media capture in the Turkish media system shift: rise of political parallelism, erosion of journalistic professionalism (ethics), controlling role of the state, and government-friendly ownership concentration. In explaining the shift from a pluralist polarised to captured media in Turkey, we acknowledge the potential for new, independent, and alternative media to emerge. The article also comments that the potential reason for this shift from a captured liberal to a captured media in Turkey is the climate of fear that has allowed successive governments in Turkey to attempt media capture. In general, this article attempts to provide insight into the current relationship between media and politics in Turkey." (Abstract)
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"This paper delves into the intricate relationship between religious populism and the legitimization of digital authoritarianism in Turkey. Specifically, it investigates how the ruling party, AKP, has strategically linked Islamist values to state policies as a means of justifying its repressive cont
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rol over digital technology. Through an examination of internet governance at multiple levels—full network-level governance, sub-network or website-level governance, proxy or corporation-level governance, and network–node or individual-level governance—the study reveals the instrumentalization of religious populism to consolidate support and validate the government’s autocratic agenda. Furthermore, it sheds light on the role of state-controlled religious institutions, traditional media, social media outlets, as well as religious leaders and organizations in shaping public opinion, enabling the government to exert greater control over the dissemination of information. By dissecting the religious populist justification of digital authoritarianism in Turkey, this research provides valuable insights into the complex dynamics at play in the realm of online governance." (Abstract)
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"Does the news media exacerbate or reduce misinformation problems? Although some news media deliberately try to counter misinformation, it has been suggested that they might also inadvertently, and sometimes purposefully, amplify it. We conducted a two-wave panel survey in Brazil, India, and the UK
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(N=4732) to investigate the effect of news and digital platform use on awareness of and belief in COVID-19 misinformation over time (January to February 2022). We find little support for the idea that the news exacerbates misinformation problems. News use broadened people’s awareness of false claims but did not increase belief in false claims—in some cases, news use actually weakened false belief acquisition, depending on access mode (online or offline) and outlet type. In line with previous research, we also find that news use strengthens political knowledge gain over time, again depending on outlets used. The effect of digital platforms was inconsistent across countries, and in most cases not significant—though some, like Twitter, were associated with positive outcomes while others were associated with negative outcomes. Overall, our findings challenge the notion that news media, by reporting on false and misleading claims, ultimately leave the public more misinformed, and support the idea that news helps people become more informed and, in some cases, more resilient to misinformation." (Abstract)
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"The “Georgian Elections Observatory (#GEObservatory24)” was a short-term initiative aimed at fact-checking pre-election narratives leading up to the parliamentary elections on October 26, 2024, together with a few immediate post-election analyses. Unlike traditional fact-checking platforms, thi
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s project analysed entire narratives, combining political analysis with media scrutiny to provide a compre hensive understanding of the pre-election discourse. The project was supported by the Swedish Fojo Media Institute, the Georgian Investigative Media Lab (IML), and the University of Georgia (UG) Security, Policy, and Nationalism Research Center (UGSPN). This Fojo Media Insight offers several critical lessons for journalism, particularly in covering elections and political narratives such as the importance of comprehensive narrative analysis, the role of historical context, the manipulation of fear and utilisation of conspiracy theories, the instrumentalisation of identity issues, such as religion and theories. The discussion on electoral legitimacy highlights the critical role of the media in ensuring transparent and fair elections. Finally, this working paper underscores the need for international collaboration in journalism." (Back cover)
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"This case study describes a successful nutrition social marketing program in Afghanistan. By building up the domestic soy industry and supply chain, while creating consumer demand for high-protein soy products to combat malnutrition, the Nosh-e-Jaan campaign rebalanced the market dynamics for this
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relatively unknown locally grown crop. The campaign included technical assistance to the soy industry and retailers, a consumer media campaign, and community outreach via influencers, government agencies, and events. Outcomes included increases in awareness of soy, purchase of soy products, and knowledge about protein. This project provides critical lessons for those planning social marketing programs in similar settings." (Abstract)
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"The 2024 Europe and Eurasia Vibrant Information Barometer (VIBE) covers 18 countries throughout Europe, Eurasia, and Central Asia. With VIBE, IREX strives to capture a modern and evolving media space where people are simultaneously producers, transmitters, consumers, and actors in the information t
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hat influences their lives and environments. This year’s edition focuses on the media and information space across the countries in the study during calendar year 2023, capturing the impact of the second year of the Kremlin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, along with other issues related to the work of media like the lack of gender equity within the media sectors and issues with how gender is covered throughout the region." (Executive summary, page 7)
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"This study examines the portrayal of Syrians on Turkish Twitter between January and August 2021 through a big data analysis of more than 30,000 tweets. We employ the concept of online toxicity to differentiate between disinformation and hate speech and explore how they are embedded in the negative
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debates about Syrians on Twitter. Through opinion analysis, the study recognizes disinformation and hate speech patterns within tweets and questions the role they play in boosting anti-Syrian narratives, as well as the main actors behind them in the Turkish Twittersphere. The findings indicate that thediscourse about Syrians on Twitter was overwhelmingly negative, with both disinformation and hate speech playing a significant role. Furthermore, a considerable portion of the disinformation tweets could be traced back to opposition political actors, highlighting how negative sentiment on Twitter was not only expressive of generalized public resentment against Syrians but also instrumentalized for political purposes. Overall, this article demonstrates how Twitter contributes to the public debate about Syrians in Turkey, reproducing nationalist narratives and serving political agendas." (Abstract)
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"This research offers a discourse-theoretical analysis of the construction of the militarist discourse in Turkish Cypriot children’s magazines, with a specific focus on the magazine Tuncer. The selected data for analysis consist of 14 issues published between January 1967 and December 1968. The ch
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osen period is deliberate, aligning with crucial turning points in the Cyprus Problem, marked by heightened collective violence. To better understand the articulation of the militarist discourse within these issues of Tuncer, a theoretical model is developed drawing on Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. The militarist discourse is seen to have 4 nodal points: (1) the army as a national protection assemblage, (2) obligated citizenship, (3) the sanctity of sacrifice, and (4) the need for the destruction of the enemy. The analysis demonstrates the presence of all 4 nodal points, with particular emphasis on the strength of the army as a national protection assemblage and the need for the destruction of the enemy. Furthermore, the contextualization within the Cyprus Problem unveils internal conflations, highlighting the deeply political nature of the militarist discourse." (Abstract)
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"The survey findings reveal that 25 per cent of those aged between 15 and 74 have at least basic digital skills, with 7.8 per cent having above basic digital skills and 17.3 per cent having basic digital skills. The study also found that over a quarter (26.5%) of respondents below the basic level of
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digital skills conduct digital activities in four out of five skill areas. This group, already equipped with devices and Internet access, and familiar with a range of online activities, presents an opportunity for targeted training, particularly in the skills area of safety, to elevate them to the basic level of digital skills.
Moreover, 45 per cent of Azerbaijanis aged between 15 and 74 only possess activities in zero to three skill areas out of five. Even if this group of people is active online, without basic digital skills and rudimentary knowledge of digital technologies, they not only lack the skills to benefit from digitalization but they may face online risks as a consequence. For this group, upskilling will reduce and mitigate any negative impact.
The most important skill areas include safety, digital content creation and problem-solving, and major upskilling interventions and training programmes should be built around these three areas, preferably with targeted upskilling activities for different segments of the population. Moreover, getting a better understanding of why 3.4 per cent of people aged from 15 to 74 have not used the Internet in the past three months will be an important step in getting them online.
The survey recommendations will serve as the basis for designing and planning relevant future government interventions, policies or strategies for digital upskilling at national and regional levels. A number of recommendations, both short and long-term, are outlined by age group. Connections with education institutions are made as formal education offers a structured context to implement digital upskilling strategies to guarantee at least basic digital skills as part of learners’ exit profile from education and training." (Exeuctive summary)
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