"Disputed Archival Heritage brings important new perspectives into the discourse on displaced archives. In contrast to shared or joint heritage framings, the book considers the implications of force, violence and loss in the displacement of archival heritage. With chapters from established and emerg
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ing scholars in the field of archival studies, Disputed Archival Heritage extends and enriches the conversation that started with the earlier volume, Displaced Archives. Advancing novel theories and methods for understanding disputes and claims over archives, the volume includes chapters that focus on Indigenous records in settler colonial states; literary and community archives; sub-national and private sector displacements; successes in repatriating formerly displaced archives; comparisons with cultural objects seized by colonial powers; and the relationship between repatriation and reparations. Analysing key concepts such as joint heritage and provenance, the contributors unsettle Western understandings of records, place and ownership." (Publisher description)
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"Tracing the institutional history of the radio allowed scholars in the past to analyse the radio as an instrument of the colonial government in India and to show, for example, how the radio in the Indian subcontinent was deployed as part of the British Empire’s propaganda in the colony. As Gupta
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(1995), Zivin (1998), and Pinkerton (2008) argue, during the 1930s, the colonial government used the radio to address a fractured, local set of audiences so that it did not produce a national audience. Indeed, despite the British government’s efforts and Gandhi’s disagreement, and because of the efforts of Fielden, Nehru, and others, the radio was not only deployed by the Indian National Congress and later the Indian government; but by the 1950s, it became seemingly synonymous with the national project. Stepping away from this concern, we asked what did radio as a new sound technology mean in colonial India? In other words, what imaginaries and practices did it bring into effect? In answer, we have demonstrated that early radio in late colonial India transformed sonic imaginings, that is the imagination of sound itself and imaginations through sound—of spaces, territories, and figures. We further argue that radio effects the above in three ways: (i) by re-structuring the geographies of ‘home’, ‘world’, and ‘empire’; (ii) by allowing for variegated audiences that were learning to listen in different ways and lastly, (iii) by re-configuring standards, taste, and programming, variously for rural and urban audiences. Taken together this transformation has a specificity that produces an Indian sonic modernity that is born of conversations with technologies, capitalism, and colonialism." (Conclusion)
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"An increasing number of states resort to various tools to control the dissemination of information on the internet. The government of Kazakhstan has also become adept at employing censorship methods to silence alternative voices and prevent the public from seeing undesirable critical content. Yet s
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uch systematic internet censorship bears numerous negative consequences for the economy and reputation of the country and has implications for national security. This policy brief discusses the practice and consequences of digital censorship in Kazakhstan and provides policy recommendations for the government." (Introduction)
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"The Hindu Group (THG), a 143-year-old old legacy news brand, dove into subscriptions in 2019. The Hindu approached subscriptions with the mindset of revenue optimisation while being agnostic to the source." (Summary)
"In this report we explore the complex interface between power and the fundamental human rights of press freedom and freedom of expression. We also document the challenges for media and attacks to journalists in this time, including at least 140 violations, including killings, jailings, legal harass
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ment and assaults. In the period, the IFJ and its affiliates recorded 13 targeted killings of media workers and 74 cases of jailing, detention or torture. At the time of publication, at least 10 journalists, five in India alone, remain behind bars. In 2023, as we mark the 30th anniversary of the proclamation of World Press Freedom Day by the 48th UN General Assembly, we as media workers must take stock of the challenges for media freedom and the safety of journalists; raise awareness and foster partnerships to defend media from attacks; and pay tribute to journalists who have lost their lives in the exercise of their work." (Foreword)
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"This book is the result of a conference that could not take place. It is a collection of 26 texts that address and discuss the latest developments in international hate speech research from a wide range of disciplinary perspectives. This includes case studies from Brazil, Lebanon, Poland, Nigeria,
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and India, theoretical introductions to the concepts of hate speech, dangerous speech, incivility, toxicity, extreme speech, and dark participation, as well as reflections on methodological challenges such as scraping, annotation, datafication, implicity, explainability, and machine learning. As such, it provides a much-needed forum for cross-national and cross-disciplinary conversations in what is currently a very vibrant field of research." (Back cover)
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"Findings indicate that Afghan exiled journalists worldwide struggle to continue practicing their profession. Even among the few who still work in media, the vast majority depend on additional sources of income. This demonstrates a clear need for support, especially since many respondents aspire to
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establish their own medium in exile in the future and would like to continue working in the field. Most Afghan journalists in exile would like to continue to report on Afghanistan related issues and thus reach Afghans both inside and outside the country with their independent stories. Most of the participants rated solidarity within the Afghan media community as either low or very low. This trend is even more pronounced in Germany. At the same time, an absolute majority of the respondents indicated a very high interest in connecting with the Afghan media community in the countries where they are currently based or in other countries." (https://jx-fund.org)
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"The analysis of the data acquired for this study suggest that the situation of gender equality in the media content and media structures would improve if a law on eliminating all forms of discrimination would be adopted. In such a law, media’s responsibility not to publish gender-based discrimina
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tory content and to avoid harmful gender stereotyping could be referred to. Other relevant laws, such as the Mass Media Law, Civil Code, Civil Procedure Codes and Criminal Procedure Codes could also provide specific clauses against gender-based discrimination.
Numerous media studies have confirmed that female sources of information and especially expertise are often underrepresented in Armenian news media. Gender-balanced reporting/sourcing should be promoted through different kinds of mechanisms, preferably on industry level through self-regulatory mechanisms. Gender balance within a media organisation’s structure could be promoted through state policy (as part of a general drive for gender equality in the workforce). The issue needs to be addressed by different stakeholders in the industry (media associations etc.) and target the “glass ceiling” for women in their career advancement. In Armenia most journalists are women, but men occupy most top positions in the media.
Media workers and journalists should be provided with trainings on gender-sensitive reporting. Media NGOs that have the experience and knowledge in training of journalists, as well as NGOs advocating for women’s rights and gender equality may be engaged in the training of journalists on the matter. Capacity-building activities should be put in place for organisations providing trainings for journalists and other activities to promote gender-sensitive media content and structure. An award on gender-sensitive journalism may be founded to encourage the media and journalists to excel in gender-sensitive reporting." (Discussion, page 26)
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"Background: During the early phases of Covid-19, social media platforms became a significant source of misinformation, and India emerged as a global hotspot. Studies show that ‘miracle cure’ for preventing and treating Covid-19 infection has been a prominent topic of misinformation. This study
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explores the extent to which beliefs in cure for Covid-19 in three prominent medical traditions popular in India are associated. Methods: We conducted an online structured questionnaire survey of 500 respondents in August 2020 in four major cities of India. Results: Despite the scientific consensus at that time that there was no cure for Covid-19, close to three-quarters of our respondents believe that there was a cure in at least one of the three popular medical traditions in India: Allopathy, Homeopathy, and Ayurveda. We find that exposure to and trust in WhatsApp are associated with false beliefs regarding the existence of a cure for Covid-19 (p = 0.001 and p = 0.014, respectively). While trust in science is associated with correct beliefs (p = 0.025), there is evidence that trust in government information may foster incorrect beliefs (p = 0.031). Conclusions: The high trust in scientific research and its potential ability to instill correct beliefs could be exploited to combat Covid-19 misinformation in India. Potential interventions such as awareness campaigns to increase digital media literacy, regulating social media platforms, and voluntary content regulation by social media platforms – might help policymakers tackle Covid-19 related misinformation effectively." (Abstract)
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"Populists and the Pandemic examines the responses of populist political actors and parties in 22 countries around the globe to the Covid-19 pandemic, in terms of their attitudes, rhetoric, mobilization repertoires, and policy proposals. The responses of some populist leaders have received much publ
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ic attention, as they denied the severity of the public health crisis, denigrated experts and data, looked for scapegoats, encouraged protests, questioned the legitimacy of liberal institutions, spread false information, and fueled conspiracies. But how widespread are those particular reactions? How much variation is there? What explains the variation that does exist? This volume considers these questions through critical analysis of countries in the Americas, Europe, Asia, and Africa, by leading experts with deep knowledge of their respective cases. Some chapters focus on populist parties, others on charismatic populist leaders. Some countries examined are democracies, others autocracies. Some populists are left-wing, others right-wing. Some populists are in government, others in opposition. This variation allows for a panoramic consideration of factors that systematically influence or mediate populist responses to the pandemic. The book thus makes a unique contribution to our understanding of the intersection between two of the most pressing social and political challenges of our time. The book will be of interest to all those researching populism, extremism, and political parties, and those more broadly interested in political science, public policy, sociology, communications, and economics." (Publisher description)
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"New Screen Ecology in India is an open access book that provides an in depth exploration of the digital transformation of the Indian media industry. Smith Mehta takes a deep dive into the world of social media platforms and their impact on contemporary film and television production, arguing that t
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hey have fundamentally shifted the creator dynamics of these industries. Through first-hand research with creators, platform and portal executives, and intermediaries such as talent agents and multi-channel networks, Mehta develops the concept of the new screen ecology. He reveals how the Indian screen industries are affected by the social relations between these agents, and how industrial practices are blurring the amateur-professional divide through creator and content interdependencies. Mehta goes beyond theoretical analysis by interrogating the production practices of 13 different platforms and portals, including Hotstar, Netflix, YouTube, and TVFPlay. He analyses the extent to which they benefit from the lack of censorship and restrictive industrial practices that are characteristic of traditional media structures." (Publisher description)
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"The impacts of media, mainly social media, have attracted greater scholarly attention. However, their effects on public policy development and the decision-making procedure of a government have not been examined so far. Thus, this study examines such effects in pre-Taliban Afghanistan before August
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2021. Theories of signal detection and agenda-setting are adopted. Five variables (problem identification, media attention, perceived change, social media intensity, and relevance of social media) were conceptualized and operationalized to understand and measure the impact. Two data sets, qualitative and quantitative, were chosen on the eve of a presidential election (September 2019). For the first data set, a 63-question questionnaire was developed and piloted, and a purposive sample was chosen (N = 385). The second set contains in-depth interviews with government employees and bloggers. Findings show that social media influences public policy formulation and decision-making procedures. The results further reveal that social media are an essential vehicle for governance, have the potential to provide a networked public sphere, and bridge the communication gap between government and the public in a fragile state like Afghanistan." (Abstract)
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"This report focuses on the main trends in digital authoritarian technologies used in Kazakhstan from 2017 to 2022. It contextualises the repressive online mechanisms within the changing political landscape. The January 2022 protests tested the grounds of social and political liberties — the seemi
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ng political stability failed. The Tokayev government closely monitored attempts to delegitimise his governance and the right to rule. The regime is sending mixed signals of future transition: promising liberal reforms and imposing further restrictions on political liberties. Post-January Kazakhstan fails on the experience of repression and increased securitisation, including in cyberspace. Two case studies — the arrest of opposition leader Zhanbolat Mamay for disinformation and coordinated inauthentic behaviour in social media during the presidential campaign — illustrate the culture of digital authoritarianism in Kazakhstan" (Analysis and conclusion, page 19)
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"[...] The research has revealed that the incumbent Kyrgyz government is actively suppressing dissent by engaging in information manipulation, passing restrictive laws and attacking free media and investigative journalism. The Kyrgyz government has introduced new laws to regulate online activity, an
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d is proposing additional legislation on foreign agents to control and to limit the activity of NGOs and foreign media, and on mass media to gain greater control over bloggers and social media accounts with more than 5,000 followers. The government has been using the “Law on Protection from False Information,” also known as the fake news law, to silence its critics. This has included shutting down the website of Azattyk, a foreign-funded media outlet critical of the state, and detaining and censoring individuals who share or repost information critical of the government on social media. Similarly, investigative reporters in Kyrgyzstan have had to deal with multiple accusations, various attacks, or legal action taken against them. One of them, Temirov Bolot, was forced to leave Kyrgyzstan and move to Russia in November 2022.
Furthermore, the research has examined how the Kyrgyz leadership is exploiting social media platforms to launch influence campaigns and boost the president’s popularity. Pages and groups supportive of Zhaparov on various social media platforms, including Instagram, Telegram, Facebook, YouTube, and WhatsApp, have emerged with the aim of garnering backing for the president during critical moments, and are run by individuals associated with his informal network, while receiving funding from unknown pro-president groups or individuals. The support pages promote the current regime’s decisions and policies by creating pro-regime content (usually videos) that is disseminated through multiple social media platforms, while also commenting on contentious news items published by critical media channels. These videos are directed towards under-educated Kyrgyz-speaking people who tend to trust unverified sources, conveying unconfirmed and intentionally exaggerated information. Overall, the situation with media freedom and freedom of opinion in Kyrgyzstan is worsening and these developments are worrying because the country has been a champion of democratic reforms in the region since 1991." (Analysis and conclusion, page 21)
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