"For a motivated journalist in Bulgaria it is easy to detect, investigate and collect proof of corruption and abuse of power. But currently, when making their findings public, instead of a gratifying applause, journalists encounter great chances of hitting a wall of silence, facing authorities with
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“eyes wide shut”, or even worse: being followed, intimidated, discouraged through smearing campaigns and labeled “Enemy of the State”. The reasons are classic - corrupt editors and publishers, self-censorship, pressure from the authorities and media ownership concentrated in the hands of oligarchs, who are using the press like “media bats” to gain control and punish the few defiant ones.
This said, in such a difficult context, investigative journalism in Bulgaria is not dead yet. It even shows signs of being in good shape. Thanks to the wise use of the technologies, investigative reporters can continue their work and even bypass the wall of silence, spreading their findings among the public through social media and gaining popularity that makes the uncovered issues ineludible for the mainstream media and the authorities." (Page 1)
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"Conspiracy theories are a ubiquitous feature of our times. The Handbook of Conspiracy Theories and Contemporary Religion is the first reference work to offer a comprehensive, transnational overview of this phenomenon along with in-depth discussions of how conspiracy theories relate to religion(s).
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Bringing together experts from a wide range of disciplines, from psychology and philosophy to political science and the history of religions, the book sets the standard for the interdisciplinary study of religion and conspiracy theories." (Publisher description)
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"This research is aimed at assessing national vulnerabilities and preparedness to counteract foreign-led disinformation in 14 countries of Eastern and Central Europe. The Visegrad states (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia), Eastern Partnership countries (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia
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, Moldova, Ukraine), the Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) and Romania are covered. An integral part of the research is the Disinformation Resilience Index, which is quantitative assessment of exposure to Kremlin-led disinformation and the level of national resilience to disinformation campaigns." (Page 1)
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"Conspiracy theories are a ubiquitous feature of our times. The Handbook of Conspiracy Theories and Contemporary Religion is the first reference work to offer a comprehensive, transnational overview of this phenomenon along with in-depth discussions of how conspiracy theories relate to religion(s).
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Bringing together experts from a wide range of disciplines, from psychology and philosophy to political science and the history of religions, the book sets the standard for the interdisciplinary study of religion and conspiracy theories." (Publisher description)
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"This study examines the potential of constructive journalism ideas and their implementation in Croatia, a country with a different social, cultural and historical background than that of Denmark or other Western European countries where constructive journalism is practised. Three Croatian linguists
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explain the potential hidden meanings of the word constructive for Croatians. Fifteen broadcast journalists and editors in Croatia have been interviewed in order to examine the potential opportunities and obstacles for the implementation of constructive journalism ideas in their newsrooms. Croatian journalists have a more active approach towards journalism and their overall impression of constructive journalism ideas is positive. Both linguists and journalists noticed potential ideological connotations of the word constructive, while journalists were careful about reporting on possible solutions and things that would work so as not to cross the line and be pulled into ideology. When it comes to implementation, most journalists point out differences in mindset, political influences and newsroom routines as main obstacles. A development of a specific strategy for Croatian newsrooms that moves away from adhering to ideas only is recommended, while the word constructive may be used only if it is clearly defined." (Abstract)
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"In sum, the representation of the several discussed topics – regional unions, regional cooperation organizations such as the EAEU, CIS, CSTO; Kyrgyz-Uzbek relations, Kyrgyz-Kazakh border conflict, Kyrgyz-Tajik relations and border issues, Central Asian integration, Central Asia and Caucasus, Cent
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ral Asia and Ukraine, Central Asia and Moldova, Russia as regional power etc. – provides a rich example of how differently the 15 websites frame the partnership between Central Asia, Caucasus, Ukraine and Moldova. Topics about Kyrgyzstan’s relationships with neighboring Central Asian countries are prevalent in most state-owned media." (Conclusion, page 35)
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"55% of the interviewees have mixed feelings about how well informed they are regarding the general events from the Republic of Moldova. 43% of the respondents stated that they don’t feel informed at all or feel informed to a small extent regarding the events from the country. At the same time, 40
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% stated that they are satisfied with the Republic of Moldova mass media. A large percentage - 92% - of the respondents totally agree or somewhat agree that “it is important for Moldovans to be able to distinguish the news which intend to manipulate and misinform citizens”. At the same time, when asked what type of sources they use for information, almost half (45%) mentioned that they follow the news, but are not sure which sources are independent. 44% of the respondents believe that it would be “difficult” or “very difficult” to distinguish when mass media’s intention is to manipulate or change the opinion of the citizens. At the same time, 61% of the interviewees believe that the population of Moldova could hardly make a difference between fake and real news. 85% of the participants believe that news in the Republic of Moldova are influenced by politics 'a lot' or 'very much'." (Summary)
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"The Russian state media failed to provide sufficient information about political alternatives to incumbent Vladimir Putin ahead of the 18 March presidential election. Coverage on nationwide private channels was similarly limited. For the 2018 presidential election, a strong and independent media pr
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oviding unbiased coverage of the political situation in the country, thereby enabling the electorate to make an informed choice, were significantly lacking. Alexey Navalny, who was barred from running as a candidate, called for a boycott of the election. His political position was largely ignored by most of the monitored broadcast media, with the exception of TV Dozhd and Radio Ekho Moskvy. The nature of the election process, whereby the incumbent refrained in most respects from conventional campaign discourse, including non-participation in public debates, and the only real opponent was barred from running as a candidate, did not provide basic conditions necessary for a normal democratic election. First Channel, Russia 1, NTV and Ren TV, offered viewers an extremely limited range of political viewpoints. They presented only the official Kremlin position, and failed to offer any independent or alternative views, or any critical reporting challenging the performance of the authorities." (Executive summary)
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"Macedonia and Montenegro saw the largest overall score increases this year, in comparison to 2017. The improvement across all objectives this year for Macedonia’s media sector can be attributed to political changes that prioritize media in democratic reforms. Although Montenegro’s score improve
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ment shows promising progress and puts it in the Near Sustainability category, weaknesses in the country’s media sector include low revenue generation, declining professional development opportunities, political biases, and low adherence to professional standards. Kyrgyzstan and Serbia saw the largest overall decreases in their scores. While Kyrgyzstan’s MSI score for the business management objective increased slightly, all other objective scores experienced a decline, moving Kyrgyzstan from Near Sustainability in 2017 to Unsustainable Mixed System in 2018. Serbia’s scores in all MSI objectives are indicative of a downward trend in the country’s media space. Among the factors feeding this spiral are: media content is more polarized now than at any time in almost 20 years; an increase in fake news; editorial pressure on media; and a poor overall economic operating environment." (Executive summary)
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"The use of social media for news has started to fall in a number of key markets after years of continuous growth. Usage is down six percentage points in the United States, and is also down in the UK and France. Almost all of this is due to a specific decline in the discovery, posting, and sharing o
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f news in Facebook. At the same time, we continue to see a rise in the use of messaging apps for news as consumers look for more private (and less confrontational) spaces to communicate. WhatsApp is now used for news by around half of our sample of online users in Malaysia (54%) and Brazil (48%) and by around third in Spain (36%) and Turkey (30%). Across all countries, the average level of trust in the news in general remains relatively stable at 44%, with just over half (51%) agreeing that they trust the news media they themselves use most of the time. By contrast, 34% of respondents say they trust news they find via search and fewer than a quarter (23%) say they trust the news they find in social media. Over half (54%) agree or strongly agree that they are concerned about what is real and fake on the internet. This is highest in countries like Brazil (85%), Spain (69%), and the United States (64%) where polarised political situations combine with high social media use. It is lowest in Germany (37%) and the Netherlands (30%) where recent elections were largely untroubled by concerns over fake content." (Key findings, page 9)
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"This book examines the challenges and pressures liberal journalists face in Putin's Russia. It presents the findings of an in-depth qualitative study, which included ethnographic observations of editorial meetings during the conflict in Ukraine. It also provides a theoretical framework for evaluati
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ng the Russian media system and a historical overview of the development of liberal media in the country. The book focuses on some of Russia’s most influential liberal national news outlets: "the deadliest" newspaper Novaya Gazeta, "Russia’s last independent radio station" Radio Echo of Moscow (Ekho Moskvy) and US Congress-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. The fieldwork included ethnographic observations of editorial meetings, long interviews with editors and journalists as well as documentary analysis. The monograph makes theoretical contributions to three main areas: 1. Media systems and terms of reference. 2. Journalism: cultures, role conceptions, and relationship with power, culture and society. 3. Mediatisation of conflict and nationhood." (Abstract)
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"Poland has become a crucial battleground in the drive by authoritarian-minded leaders to gain control over political discourse and limit media pluralism. The Law and Justice government has sought to control the media as part of a broader push to weaken checks and balances and silence independent vo
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ices. By rejecting the media’s independence, the government is deepening polarization within Poland. The fate of media freedom in Poland will herald either the continued march of populist authoritarianism around the world or a turning of the tide and a new period of democratic resilience. The EU and Poland’s allies, including the United States, should make clear that Poland’s best interests lie in respecting the media’s independence and allowing a diversity of views to flourish." (Key findings)
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"In recent years, more and more social media (Facebook) groups have been created dealing with memories of the Holocaust in Hungary. In this article, I analyze and compare two groups, “The Holocaust and My Family” and “The Descendants of the Victims and Survivors of the Holocaust” in the fram
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ework of my research project on the concept of digital trauma processing, entitled “Trauma Studies in the Digital Age: The Impact of Social Media on Trauma Processing in Life Narratives and Trauma Literature: the Case of Hungary.” I show how the concept of trauma and trauma processing itself are changing in the digital age as a consequence of the element of sharing (in posts and comments in digital media) gains more importance and thus counteracts the element of silence, which was considered the most important element of trauma on several levels. How does digital sharing of memories of traumas help unblock previously blocked avenues to the past, and how does it contribute to the processing of collective historical traumas and consequently to the mobilization of memories, modernization, and the transformation of identities? I examine how the given characteristics of the different types of Facebook groups, public or closed, influence the ways in which people communicate about a collective historical trauma. I touch upon the issue of research ethics in connection with the handling of sensitive data in social media research. I examine the book The Holocaust and My Family, a collection of posts from the group, and analyze as a case study a post and the related comments, in which a descendant of a perpetrator comes out in the group." (Abstract)
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"In the period after the fall of communism, peculiar new obstacles to media independence have arisen. They include the telltale structure of media ownership, with news reporting being concentrated in the hands of politically engaged business tycoons, the fuzzy and contradictory legislation of the me
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dia realm, and the informal institutions of political interference in mass media. The book analyzes interrelationships between politics, the economy, and media in Ukraine, especially their shadowy sides guided by private interests and informal institutions. Being embedded in comparative politics and post-Communist media studies, it helps to understand the nature and workings of the Ukrainian media system situated in-between democracy and authoritarianism." (Publisher description)
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"With regards to professional role orientations, Cypriot journalists found it most important to report things as they are, to provide analysis of current affairs, and, to a lesser extent, to be a detached observer (see Table 1). The relevance of these “classic” roles was fairly undisputed among
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the interviewed journalists as the relatively low standard deviations indicate. Of high importance to them was also supporting national development, which is possibly related to Cyprus’ turbulent political past and still ‘unsettled’ present. The least important roles were supporting government policy, conveying a positive image of political leadership, and providing entertainment and relaxation. A majority of journalists in Cyprus found some politically assertive roles significant, i.e. to advocate for social change, to monitor and scrutinize political leaders, and to promote tolerance and cultural diversity as well as to let people express their views. Roles related to a ‘watchdog’ mindset, i.e. being an adversary of the government and motivating people to participate in political activity, were supported by only a minority of the respondents." (Journalistic roles, pages 1-2)
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"Global Media Giants takes an in-depth look at how media corporate power works globally, regionally, and nationally, investigating the ways in which the largest and most powerful media corporations in the world wield power. Case studies examine not only some of the largest media corporations (News C
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orp, Microsoft) in terms of revenues, but also media corporations that hold considerable power within national, regional, or geolinguistic contexts (Televisa, Bertelsmann, Sony). Each chapter approaches a different corporation through the lens of economy, politics, and culture, giving students and scholars a thoughtful and data-driven guide with which to interrogate contemporary media industry power." (Publisher description)
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"With regards to professional role orientations, Bulgarian journalists found it most important to report things as they are, to educate the audience, to provide analysis of current affairs, to be a detached observer, and to let people express their views (see Table 1). It is notable that a very high
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percentage of Bulgarian journalists also believed that supporting national development was extremely or very important for them. However, national development was not understood in the sense of supporting government policy or indeed conveying a positive image of political leadership. Other politically assertive roles such as influencing public opinion and advocating for social change were also supported by the majority of Bulgarian journalists but only a minority supported roles such as setting the political agenda and being an adversary of the government. Similarly, monitoring and scrutinizing political leaders and business was of significant importance to roughly half of all Bulgarian journalists. A majority of journalists in Bulgaria also found it important to promote tolerance and cultural diversity, to tell stories about the world, and to provide information people need to make political decisions. A minority reported that it was important to provide entertainment and relaxation, and to provide advice, orientation and direction for daily life." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"With regards to professional role orientations, Hungarian journalists found it most important to report things as they are, to be a detached observer, and to provide analysis of current affairs (see Table 1). The relevance of these “classic” roles was fairly undisputed among the interviewed jou
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rnalists as the relatively low standard deviations indicate. Still, a majority of journalists in Hungary found it important to promote tolerance and cultural diversity, to tell stories about the world, to educate the audience, to provide entertainment and relaxation, to provide the kind of news that attracts the largest audience, to provide advice, orientation and direction for daily life, to let people express their views, and to support national development. Political roles, on the other hand, were supported by only a minority of respondents. Following traits belong to these roles: motivating people to participate in political activity, setting the political agenda, acting as adversary of the government, supporting government policy, and conveying a positive image of political leadership." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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