"With people living longer all over the world, ageing has been framed as a socio-economic problem. In Brazil, older people are expected to remain healthy and autonomous while actively participating in society. Based on ethnographic research in São Paulo, Ageing with Smartphones in Urban Brazil show
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s how older people in a middle-class neighbourhood conciliate these expectations with the freedom and pleasures reserved for the Third Age. Work is what bonds this community together, providing a sense of dignity and citizenship." (Publisher description).
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"Under the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil, Latin America's largest democracy, has seen unprecedented increases in threats to citizens’ fundamental rights. Digital rights have not been an exception. Technoauthoritarianism in Brazil must be viewed as a multifaceted development and one that is
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not undertaken by the federal administration alone. Across the country, states are making unlawful use of civilian data for surveillance purposes and adopting facial recognition technologies, a worrying event in a country that has a history of discriminatory policing where over half of the population is Black. From inside the presidential palace and around Brazil, Bolsonaro and right-wing allies are using social media tools to advance personal interests by sponsoring disinformation campaigns and enabling targeted attacks against opponents and journalists. When targeted by social media moderation, the president tried to overturn the way platforms operate in Brazil with a provisional measure — a largely opaque, authoritarian and unilateral tool. As if the scenario weren't concerning enough for digital rights, journalists around the country are facing a tidal wave of attacks, harassment and smear campaigns, many of which are perpetrated by elected authorities. These attacks have a clear gendered aspect to them, as women journalists are not only targeted more frequently, but more violently." (https://advox.globalvoices.org)
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"¿Cuáles son las principales herramientas comunicativas de los movimientos feministas en Iberoamérica? ¿Qué papel juega la comunicación en la cuarta ola? ¿Cómo se articulan las contranarrativas a los discursos del odio digitales contra activistas y comunicadoras? Las investigaciones en comun
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icación y género de este libro permiten observar cómo se están produciendo avances a ambos lados del Atlántico, que dialogan sobre el espacio digital como un lugar de disputa discursiva y el rol fundamental de los movimientos feministas y las profesionales de la comunicación en la actualidad." (Cubierta del libro)
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"Using expert interviews and focus groups, this book investigates the theoretical and practical intersection of misinformation and social media hate in contemporary societies. Social Media and Hate argues that these phenomena, and the extreme violence and discrimination they initiate against targete
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d groups, are connected to the socio-political contexts, values and behaviours of users of social media platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, ShareChat, Instagram and WhatsApp. The argument moves from a theoretical discussion of the practices and consequences of sectarian hatred, through a methodological evaluation of quantitative and qualitative studies on this topic, to four qualitative case studies of social media hate, and its effects on groups, individuals and wider politics in India, Brazil, Myanmar and the UK. The technical, ideological and networked similarities and connections between social media hate against people of African and Asian descent, indigenous communities, Muslims, Dalits, dissenters, feminists, LGBTQIA+ communities, Rohingya and immigrants across the four contexts is highlighted, stressing the need for an equally systematic political response." (Publisher description)
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"[...] new legislation has been introduced that could have a detrimental effect on freedom of expression and access to information. This includes a “fake news” bill that was approved by the Senate in June 2020 and allows for the criminalization of certain online content, creates identification r
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equirements for online platforms account holders, and obliges private-messaging apps to retain communications. In May 2021, a new bill replacing the National Security Act was introduced, which contains provisions criminalizing “mass misleading communication”, and lacks protection measures for investigative journalists. Brazil was therefore added as a target country under the MDP in October 2021 with the aim of enhancing the safety of journalists, building on past experiences in supporting media in the region. Actions notably build on support to ABRAJI from the Global Media Defence Fund, through which ABRAJI is developing a local mechanism to monitor and report on gender-based violence against women journalists. These first few months under the MDP served as an inception phase, during which planning advanced for activities in 2022 and 2023. Future actions will be aligned with the Hague Commitment to Increase the Safety of Journalists, to which Brazil is a signatory, and will come to reinforce the implementation of the UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity." (Page 2)
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"This ground-breaking three-year global study on gender-based online violence against women journalists represents collaborative research covering 15 countries. It is the most geographically, linguistically, and ethnically diverse scoping of the crisis conducted up until late 2022. The research draw
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s on: the inputs of nearly 1,100 survey participants and interviewees; 2 big data case studies examining 2.5 million social media posts directed at Nobel Laureate Maria Ressa (The Philippines) and multi award-winning investigative journalist Carole Cadwalladr (UK); 15 detailed individual country case studies. The Chilling illuminates the evolving challenges faced by women journalists dealing with prolific and/or sustained online violence around the world. It calls out the victim-blaming and slut-shaming that perpetuates sexist and misogynistic responses to offline violence against women in the online environment, where patriarchal norms are being aggressively reinforced. It also clearly demonstrates that the incidence and impacts of gender-based online violence are worse at the intersection of misogyny and other forms of discrimination, such as racism, religious bigotry, antisemitism, homophobia and transphobia. Further, it identifies political actors who leverage misogyny and anti-news media narratives in their attacks as top perpetrators of online violence against women journalists, while the main vectors are social media platforms - most notably Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube." (Exexutive summary)
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"Drawing on an original dataset of survey responses collected in the summer of 2022 across four countries - Brazil, India, the UK, and the US - they examine the relationship between trust in news and how people think about news on digital platforms, especially Facebook, Google, WhatsApp, and YouTube
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, some of the most widely used platforms around the world. What they find is somewhat nuanced; how people think about information on platforms varies considerably. It depends on the platform, it depends on the country, it depends on the audiences within those countries, and it depends on the kinds of news those audiences are encountering in these varying spaces." (Executive Summary and Key Findings, page 3)
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"Este informe elaborado por el Instituto de Desarrollo Digital de América Latina y el Caribe (IDD LAC) describe y analiza diversos modelos e iniciativas (tanto estatales como de la sociedad civil) sobre formas de institucionalidad para la supervisión de obligaciones de transparencia y rendición d
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e cuentas de las grandes plataformas digitales, dado su creciente rol en el flujo de información y comunicación en Internet. Como corolario, se presentan una serie de conclusiones y recomendaciones que puedan ser insumos útiles para enriquecer la búsqueda de soluciones democráticas y adecuadas al entorno digital." (Observacom)
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"In this report, we use online survey data collected in August and September 2022 to document and understand how people in eight countries - Brazil, France, Germany, India, Japan, Pakistan, the UK, and the USA - access news and information about climate change. A large majority of our respondents ac
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ross these countries recognise that almost all climate scientists believe that climate change is caused by humans and are worried about the impact, but above and beyond basic understanding of the scientific consensus and recognition of the climate crisis, it is important to understand people's attitudes towards climate change news, including who they trust as sources of information, how climate news makes them feel, and how well they think news media are performing covering it. Finally, we take some preliminary steps in understanding how each of these are correlated with climate change beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours." (Executive summary)
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"This submission focuses on Brazil's fulfilment of human rights obligations in the digital context and seeks to strengthen recommendations focused on guaranteeing universal access to the internet in order to enable free expression and association; access to information, knowledge and culture; and th
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e exercise of economic and social rights in a manner that is secure, respectful of privacy and autonomy, and free of any kind of discrimination." (Introduction, page 3)
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"This work examines more closely the standardizing and the customizing aspects of active factchecking outlets in Portuguese-speaking countries, focusing on the verification methods and organizational models in use. Based on Content Analysis, we collected manually 318 posts during June 2019 from each
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fact-checking outlets website and then examined each post according to six general concepts: discourse, sources, context, classification, graphic representation, and financing. There were 15 active fact-checking outlets in Brazil (13) and Portugal (2). No active outlets were found in the African countries. Findings: Although there is room for inventiveness in fact-checking practices, it is restricted to the classification models adopted and the graphic representation demanded by them. Only two largest Portuguese-speaking countries (Brazil and Portugal) have active fact-checking initiatives during the study period. In Mozambique, we found the outlet named Mozcheck that was inactive with no published content during the research period. From our analysis, we detected a pattern between the type of misinformation and the media to which it is most often linked: false information was circulated mainly in texts, while false contexts were mainly circulated in videos and images led to more manipulated content." (Abstract)
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"The spread of disinformation about science in social media has been a major concern worldwide, especially at a time of crisis in which all institutions that produce knowledge and truth, including science, are delegitimized or discredited by society. Given this, the purpose of this research is to ma
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p the circulation of information on the most frequent conspiracy theories in Brazil, seeking to identify actors, discourses, and interactions on different digital platforms. Using a mixed methodology for identifying informational flows among supporters of conspiracy theories on Facebook, WhatsApp, and YouTube, the results show that, even though there is distrust about the relationship between science, government and industry, scientific authority is a symbolic capital of extreme importance for the circulation of information on conspiracy theories related to science." (Abstract)
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"In this industry reflection I draw on my professional interest in Brazilian film production an distribution and my archival research of Brazilian films exhibited in the UK between 1995 and 2019 in order to reflect on the factors which help such productions travel and the challenges which they face.
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During the last twenty-five years, following the so-called renaissance of Brazilian cinema, there has been a constant increase in the number of films shown in Brazilian cinemas but, to achieve financial sustainability, filmmakers had to look abroad as well. While the search for financing and partners in other countries should allow the creation of works that possess storytelling appeal and more inviting identities to circulate internationally, the majority of Brazilian films released on UK screens rely on stereotypical depictions, well-known authors and/or powerful international distribution companies. Brazilian national institutions, such as Ancine, and international festivals, such as BFI London Film Festival (LFF), have helped increase visibility for Brazilian productions abroad but more could be done to foster new directorial voices, release strategies and coproduction partnerships." (Abstract)
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"Partindo do reconhecimento da importância das rádios comunitárias para a comunicação nas e das localidades, este artigo tem por objetivo delinear os cenários da radiodifusão comunitária no estado do Pará a partir do levantamento e cruzamento dos dados oficiais sobre os processos de autoriz
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ação e outorga para prestação desse serviço no estado. Trata se, portanto, de um estudo preliminar com o intuito de fazer um panorama do estágio atual das concessões no estado que sirva de base para abordagens futuras sobre o tema." (Resumo)
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"Following Robertson’s discussions on epistemic capital, the article analyses worldmaking procedures being used by members of one of the biggest neo-Pentecostal churches in Brazil – Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus. According to the popular narrative, social media, especially WhatsApp groups, c
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ontributed in a crucial way to the spread of sets of conspiracy theories aimed to question “established narratives” and creating an image of Jair Bolsonaro, currently the president of Brazil, as the sole hero (“the messiah” and “the myth”) fighting against the “corrupted” Brazilian state and the “globalist/communist cabal.” The article discusses interactions between members of so-called families created by the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus. These families could have between a few or around one hundred members, and they are in regular communication (at least a few times per day) through WhatsApp. Most members of one family do not live in walking proximity; therefore, using WhatsApp is often the primary way they interact. The article puts families into a broader context of the media ecosystem owned or influenced by Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus and contextualizes the church as a religious “infrastructure of knowing.” The article discusses sources of legitimization of particular knowledge produced and mediated between families. The article argues that communication in families contributes to the creation of unique epistemic tools crucial in re-creating individual worldviews of members Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus. (Abstract)
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"O presente estudo dialoga com lideranças e com grupos que se encontram na base das organizações sociais: os militantes e ativistas . A inclusão de ativistas e militantes na investigação, como ocorreu na 1ª Etapa da Pesquisa, em 2021, permitiu olhar os dois lados dos processos de representati
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vidade, mobilização e atuação no mundo digital. Pensar representatividade e inclusão digital à luz da democracia implica a procura constante de um olhar atento no sentido de incluir populações fragilizadas. Grupos que geralmente não são escutados nem contemplados em projetos, mesmo nos movimentos sociais. Nesta 2ª. etapa da pesquisa, acompanhamos lideranças de entidades com representação nacional, ligadas à Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) mas também dedicamos a atenção a ativistas, militantes e lideranças entre a população 60 anos ou mais e a população LGBTQIA+. A escolha ocorreu porque na primeira fase do estudo, em 2021, a população 60 anos ou mais e a população LGBTQIA apareceram como os públicos mais esquecidos na hora de realizar projetos, segundo as respostas das lideranças de movimentos sociais." (Página 9)
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"O capítulo 1, “Reconhecimento e representação: sobre vozes, epistemicídio e resistências”, investiga e discute as formas, contextos e a constituição sóciohistórica, econômica e cultural da sociedade brasileira contemporânea e de seus grupos estigmatizados e precarizados, enfatizando
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o papel da posse, acesso, uso e apropriações diferenciadas das TIC. Na mesma direção, o capítulo 3, “A nova geração de telefonia móvel 5G já nasce com data de validade”, antecipase e se concentra na crítica dos modos como a inovação tecnológica digital, como conduzida no Brasil, vêm carrear novas formas de exclusão, opressão e sofrimento social. A partir da perspectiva original de Rheingold (1994) sobre as comunidades virtuais, em certa medida ingênua, pois que baseada em partilhas cordiais entre os indivíduos, outros pensadores vêm agregando elementos adicionais, mais críticos e problematizadores, capazes de contemplar conflitos e desigualdades de poder na luta e na militância política no ciberespaço e na cibercultura. Para contribuir com essa discussão, o capítulo 2, “Dimensões interseccionais da vulnerabilidade digital no Brasil”, introduz e expande a compreensão do fenômeno e dos conceitos associados às vulnerabilidades digitais, apontando para a necessidade da construção crítica de uma educação midiática focada na superação das condições da exclusão digital e na construção de cidadãos autônomos – e na (re)construção de suas vozes sociais, sua expressão e suas justas reivindicações materiais e simbólicas, na participação democrática. O tema é retomado de forma aprofundada no capítulo 4, “Educação midiática para a vida online: descolonização, diferença e alteridade”, que sinaliza a necessidade e a urgência de políticas, ações, iniciativas e medidas da educação popular no âmbito do aprendizado das, pelas e para as mídias digitais." (Apresentação, página 7-8)
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"Entre os achados do trabalho quantiqualitativo que partiu de um universo de 229 participantes: lideranças e militantes da cidade, do campo, das florestas e das águas das diferentes regiões brasileiras. Destaca-se que 47% do público entrevistado tem dificuldade no uso da internet; pessoas negras
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e pardas usam mais celulares; 59,1% das associações contatadas não têm área de informática. As constantes mudanças no mundo digital têm consequências direta nas práticas cotidianas de uso social e apropriação das tecnologias de informação e comunicação (TIC). Essas mudanças alteram drasticamente as formas de representação de interesses, seja na área econômica, política, social, cultural, religiosa, sindical/ associativa e tecnológica, além de Influenciar o processo de construção das agendas, a tomada de decisão política, a formação de lideranças e também as políticas públicas. Por exemplo: cerca de 83% da população do Brasil tem acesso à internet no Brasil, no entanto, desse total, 58% das pessoas têm acesso apenas pelo celular. As desigualdades ficam ainda mais em evidência quando analisamos a situação de negros, periféricos, quilombolas, LGBTQIA+, mulheres e idosos. Por isso, a pesquisa é uma ferramenta para elaborar políticas públicas mais inclusivas." (https://institutolula.org/instituto-lanca-livro-sobre-transformacao-digital-nesta-terca)
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"Ler – no sentido pleno da etimologia latina, de 'colher com os olhos' – as páginas deste Comunicação e sociedade: métodos freirianos, é um alento em tempos em que a educação se instrumentalizou a serviço do capital e a comunicação reduziu-se à esfera da midiatização. Sobre o conjun
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to dos textos – variados em seus espectros temáticos; rigorosos na síntese que fazem da obra freiriana, tão extensa e complexa; percucientes nos argumentos e proposições habilmente apresentados –, pode-se dizer que paira a efígie de Jano. Cada um deles, a seu modo, ao mesmo tempo em que inventaria o pensamento de Paulo Freire, percorrendo seu trabalho por meio de viva interlocução, paráfrases e citações, também compulsa essa extraordinária herança em perspectiva prospectiva, isto é, projetando (atente-se para o étimo pro-jectu, “lançado para diante”) o desejo de uma sociedade mais justa, mais feliz, mais humana." (Prefácio, página 9-10)
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"This article is an outcome of an actionresearch project that gathered community members, farmers, technologists, agroecologists and community network practitioners to make possible a community network in the quilombo of Ribeirão Grande/Terra Seca, located in Barra do Turvo city, São Paulo state,
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Brazil. The quilombos emerged as refuges for Black people who escaped repression during the entire period of slavery in Brazil, between the 16th and 19th centuries. The inhabitants of these communities are called quilombolas. With the 1988 Constitution, they gained the right to own and use the land they were on, but not without plenty of political struggles. Today Brazil has more than 15,000 quilombola communities. Within quilombo Ribeirão Grande/Terra Seca there is a group of women that takes part in a network called Agroecological Network of Women Farmers (RAMA in Portuguese – Rede Agroecológica de Mulheres Agricultoras), and one of the issues they faced collectively related to difficulties of communication [...] This essay explores positive and negative aspects of our practices in the design and nurturing of the Ribeirão Grande/Terra Seca community network, the use of feminist and popular education methodologies, respect and appreciation of local knowledge, and the importance of considering gender, race and colonialism as oppressions present in the places where community networks operate and are needed. We share these reflections so that they can be useful for other community network activists, advocates and groups when it comes to their technological practices and methodologies. In our search for socially, culturally, ethically engaged and responsible definitions of technology, we come across our own gaps and prejudices: especially how to see and work on racial relations and, crucially, how community network practitioners ignore their own prejudices." (Pages 1-2)
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