"Iraq was added as a target country under the MDP in 2020, building on the first phase of the “Breaking the Silence: Enhancing Public Accountability on Freedom of Expression and the Safety of Journalists in Iraq” project, which was implemented by UNESCO between 2019 and 2021 with funding from th
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e Netherlands. The Breaking the Silence project notably enabled the development of resources for coordination and improvement of the relationship between media workers and security forces. It also allowed for the strengthening of the National Committee on Safety of Journalists and of a Special Investigative Unit to shift from an information-sharing mechanism to a more comprehensive mechanism for the safety of journalists. Drawing on these achievements, the MDP initiated in 2020 the creation of a reporting mechanism for threats and violence against women journalists in the form of a hotline, operated by women police officers, and with a focus on digital threats and cyber-blackmail. This mechanism builds on a safety hotline established in 2019 and responds to the particular risks faced by women media workers: already harassed for their work as journalists, they are also targeted because of their gender, and because they dare to defy societal expectations regarding women’s roles. The harassment they face is considerably more virulent and malicious than their male colleagues, and many do not dare file complaints with the police or seek legal support." (Page 2)
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"Sardasht Osman was a courageous and talented 23-year-old citizen journalist, who wrote about corruption and political mismanagement within the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) in a period of political upheaval. On 13 December 2009, Sardasht wrote a satirical article accusing the family of Presiden
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t Barzani of corruption and nepotism, a ‘red line’ in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). The article, titled: ‘I Am In Love With Barzani’s Daughter’, juxtaposed the hardships of average Kurdish citizens with the lavish lifestyle of the Barzani family. On 4 May 2010, Sardasht was kidnapped in Erbil and assassinated because of his writings. Twelve years later, no one has been arrested and convicted for his kidnap and assassination, and there are serious allegations that officials linked to the Barzani family were involved in the murder. Our investigation team interviewed dozens of witnesses, analyzed official case files and statements, and reviewed satellite imagery and photographic evidence. The aim was to scrutinize the official investigation and unearth new findings concerning Sardasht’s murder. This report reveals serious flaws in the official investigation into the kidnap and assassination of Sardasht, and finds credible allegations that Kurdish authorities were directly involved in the murder." (Abstract)
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"The Global Handbook of Media Accountability brings together leading scholars to 'de-Westernize' the academic debate on media accountability and discuss different models of media self-regulation and newsroom transparency around the globe. With examination of the status quo of media accountability in
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forty-four countries worldwide, it offers a theoretically informed, comparative analysis of accountability regimes of different varieties. As such, it constitutes the first interdisciplinary academic framework comparing structures of media accountability across all continents and represents an invaluable basis for further research and policy-making. It will therefore appeal to scholars and students of media studies and journalism, mass communication, sociology and political science, as well as policy-makers and practitioners." (Publisher description)
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"Following seminal study on journalistic attitudes towards wars and peace journalism, in this study we investigated the perceptions of conflict reporters in the three most deadly countries in the world including Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. A total of 317 journalists participated in this study. T
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hough generally we found support for the earlier study, the analysis shows journalists engage in wider practices than predicted that overlap war and peace journalism approaches. A closer examination showed that journalists favored active war journalism practices and passive peace journalism practices. Finally, we did not find that journalistic experience and contextual factors influenced preferences towards war and peace journalism substantially." (Abstract)
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"This volume provides a comparative analysis of media systems in the Arab world, based on criteria informed by the historical, political, social, and economic factors influencing a country's media. Reaching beyond classical western media system typologies, Arab Media Systems brings together contribu
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tions from experts in the field of media in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) to provide valuable insights into the heterogeneity of this region's media systems. It focuses on trends in government stances towards media, media ownership models, technological innovation, and the role of transnational mobility in shaping media structure and practices. Each chapter in the volume traces a specific country's media - from Lebanon to Morocco - and assesses its media system in terms of historical roots, political and legal frameworks, media economy and ownership patterns, technology and infrastructure, and social factors (including diversity and equality in gender, age, ethnicities, religions, and languages)." (Publisher description)
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"This study was launched with the aim to deepen our understanding of how women related topics are debated in social media in Iraq. It is based on a social media monitoring exercise conducted between April 2019 and November 2020 across two topics of interest: the kidnapping of women rights’ activis
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t Mary Mohammed and the current push for comprehensives domestic violence legislation." (Introduction, page 4)
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"This research analysis aims to assess perceptions of media coverage of social cohesion in Ninewah and understand how content is consumed and assessed by audiences in the province. What this report has demonstrated is that while there is a distrust of the media at a national level, local media are p
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laying a fundamental role in providing citizens with information and news about topics that are important and relevant to reconciliation and rebuilding communities in post-IS Ninewah. Social media and activist accounts are also playing a significant role in the media information ecosystem in Ninewah. However, the political environment in Iraq is having a huge impact on both media coverage and analysis of key topics as well as on audiences’ perceptions of media coverage of such topics. There is still a clear need for increased content and a focus on topics that will support peace-building and social cohesion as the province of Ninewah recovers from the events of its recent past. The report concludes that audiences across different groups are fairly coherent and in agreement that the media should be playing a larger role in covering important topics related to diversity and religious difference in particular. They felt that the media had painted a false picture of Ninewah as a sectarian society and should be providing more positive and inclusive programming in order to combat the challenges that they faced as a society. Levels of awareness of the positive role that the media could play were high although trust in the media in general was low. This view was tempered by reactions to inaccurate portrayals of life in Ninewah post-IS and audiences also wanted to see the realities of their life in media content. Violent content and images were rejected however which is a significant point to demonstrate the impact and trauma incurred as a result of the occupation by IS." (Conclusions, page 28)
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"The collection of stories presented here aims to highlight the impact of the MDP's (Multi-Donor Programme on Freedom of Expression and Safety of Journalists) MDP’s actions over the course of this challenging year. Through testimonies from beneficiaries and partners who aspire to improve freedom o
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f expression and access to information locally, you will learn about the MDP’s multifaceted emergency response to the COVID-19 crisis. Through capacity building, the MDP supported journalists in several countries to learn how to protect their physical and mental health while reporting on the pandemic. This emergency response also involved ensuring local communities’ access to reliable information through support to community media, bolstering citizens’ resilience to the disinfodemic through Media and Information Literacy programmes, as well as journalism education through a global MOOC on debunking disinformation and reporting on the health crisis in a factual, scientific manner." (Editorial, page 2)
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"Using the example of Iraqi refugees in Jordan's capital of Amman, this book describes how information and communication technologies (ICTs) play out in the everyday experiences of urban refugees, geographically located in the Global South, and shows how interactions between online and offline space
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s are key for making sense of the humanitarian regime, for carving out a sense of home and for sustaining hope. This book paints a humanizing account of making do amid legal marginalization, prolonged insecurity, and the proliferation of digital technologies." (Publisher description)
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"The key statistical findings for the region are that electrical and electronic equipment (EEE) placed on the market (POM) increased by 30 per cent from 3.2 megatons (Mt), or 8.8 kilograms per inhabitant (kg/inh), in 2010 to 4.1 Mt (or 9.5 kg/inh) in 2019. The Arab States mostly import, rather than
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manufacture, EEE; the domestic generation of EEE is therefore very limited, and they rely on imports of EEE POM. Over the same period of time, e waste generation in the region increased by 61 per cent from 1.8 Mt (4.9 kg/inh) in 2010 to 2.8 Mt (6.6 kg/inh) in 2019. The largest e-waste generator is Saudi Arabia, with 595 kilotons (kt) (or 13.2 kg/inh) of e-waste, while the lowest is Comoros (0.6 kt, or 0.7 kg/inh), which reflects the vast diversity of the region. The e-waste generated encompasses a variety of products, with small equipment (category 5 in EU Directive 2012/19/EU, on waste electrical and electronic equipment, also known as the WEEE Directive), temperature exchange equipment (category 1) and large equipment (category 4) comprising the highest share of e-waste generated, for a total of 76 per cent. The annual growth rate is positive for all categories of e-waste, with the exception of screens and monitors (category 2), which shows negative growth rates. Nevertheless, a declining trend has been observed, meaning that the pace of growth has slowed over time for most products. From the information gathered, the Arab States appear to have collected and managed a total of 2.2 kt (0.01 kg/inh) of e-waste in 2019, which equates to a collection rate of 0.1 per cent, compared to e-waste generated. However, it is worth highlighting that data on e-waste collection and on environmentally sound management (ESM) was available for only four Arab States. E-waste collection for ESM takes place in Jordan, the State of Palestine(1), Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Jordan has the highest e-waste collection rate of 2.6 per cent (equivalent to 0.1 kg/inh), followed by Qatar (0.5 per cent, or 0.07 kg/inh). Egypt has seven licensed treatment facilities for e-waste, but it was unable to provide official data on the amount of e-waste collected and managed." (Executive summary, pages 11-12)
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"This paper examines the key narratives of disinformation that are prevalent in Iraqi media. It provides an analysis of the messages, agents, intentions and impact of the spread of disinformation. Focusing particularly on the period during which planned national elections were postponed, it identifi
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es narratives of disinformation which emerged during that time. I argue that, due to the overriding partisan and unprofessional conditions for the media and the challenging political context of Iraq, the lines between partisan information and disinformation have become blurred." (Abstract)
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"This report provides an overview of the comparative innovation capacity of the Arab States region through ICT-centric innovation policy monitors, and an insight into how good practices can strengthen capacity to mainstream ICT innovation into national development agendas. It showcases a number of c
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ountries that display exemplary innovation practices and occupy leading positions in all three ecosystems (entrepreneurial, innovation and technology ecosystems), and looks at other countries of the region which lag behind in all three ecosystems as well as in terms of hard and soft infrastructure. To understand this divergence, the report introduces two ICT-centric innovation policy monitors: the 'Three Engines of Growth' monitor and the 'Digital Transformation Enablers' monitor.
The report notes that there are many good practices in the region fuelling the entrepreneurial journey. Each practice presented in the report was analysed on the basis of its impact, in a third ICT-centric innovation policy monitor, the 'Ecosystem Maturity Map' monitor. Each stakeholder group, at each of the five stages of the entrepreneurial journey, is assessed by its level of engagement in order to gauge the maturity of the ecosystem. For example, the first stage of the journey for entrepreneurs is 'entrepreneurial interest', while for the public sector it is having a 'vision and strategy'. This monitor enables stakeholders to visualize the maturity of the ICT-centric innovation ecosystem and identify which practices to keep, which must be improved and which to replace." (Introduction)
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"[...] this book explores the complex construction of democratic public dialogue in developing countries. Case studies examine national environments defined not only by state censorship and commercial pressure, but also language differences, international influence, social divisions, and distinct va
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lue systems. With fresh portraits of new and traditional media throughout Africa, Latin America and Asia, authors delve into the essential role of the media in developing countries. Case studies illuminate the relationship between the State and the media in Russia, as well as the challenges faced by journalists working in Kurdistan. Further cases reveal bureaucratic censorship of books in Brazil, regulatory dilemmas in Australia, state policies in post-colonial Malawi, and the potential of oral culture for the strengthening of democratic conversation. Media, Development and Democracy brings the liberal democratic media model into new terrains where some of its core assumptions do not hold. In doing so, the authors' collective voices illuminate pressing issues facing our current global dialogue and our liberal and democratic expectations concerning communications and the media." (Publisher description)
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"This Handbook provides the first comprehensive reference book in English about the development of mass and social media in all Arab countries. Capturing the historical as well as current developments in the media scene, this collection maps the role of media in social and political movements. Contr
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ibutors include specialists in the field from North America, Europe, and the Middle East. Each chapter provides an overview of the history, regulatory frameworks and laws governing the press, and socio-political functions of the media. While the geopolitical complexities of the region have been reflected in the expert analyses collectively, the focus is always the local context of each member state. All 37 chapters consider the specific historical, political and media trajectories in each country, to provide a contextual background and foundation for further study about single states or comparative analysis in two or more Arab states." (Publisher description)
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"Corrupt practices, political financing and institutionalised patriarchal systems have seen the media fail to provide equitable coverage of women’s issues or indeed include women as decision-makers organisationally. Both the audience and media stakeholders are acutely aware of the lack of ethical
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practice by the media and both are attuned to how this has become gendered in prevailing conditions of economic failure, conflict and weak governance in Iraq. The overall mood was one of pessimism from all stakeholder groups about the current state of and prospects for the media in Iraq. The lack of opportunity in a non-meritocratic society such as Iraq both generates and sustains the prevalence of highly gendered policies and practices across the Iraqi media landscape. This is seen in both stakeholder groups: media stakeholders were likely to disparage their female colleagues; audiences were likely to reject female depictions that they felt were not representative of all Iraqis. Traditional and religious attitudes dominated much of the discussions and many of the challenges facing women and women journalists were attributed to these fixed mind-sets. Again, both stakeholder groups were in agreement that employment rituals and practices were shaped by patriarchal perceptions of a women’s role in traditional societies." (Conclusions)
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"The most mentioned religious groups include Muslims (Sunnis and Shiites). This is logical given that Islam is the majority religion in the three monitored countries. There is also a fair amount of content mentioning Christians in each country as well as Shiites and Sunnis in both Lebanon and Iraq.
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The report provides a first analysis of the nature of the conversation, while understanding the limitation of this research in providing a comprehensive overview of the narrative. Also, sectarianism and components were among the most popular concepts mentioned, often in claims that there are attempts at minimizing sectarian strife and appeasing the diverse segments of the population. The minimal coverage of certain topics pertaining to law, gender, the environment, science, and technology in their relationship with religion reflects the interests of the region and its governments. Social and political turmoil are perceived as more crucial for survival and worthy of attention. Social and political topics are more present in the public debate. As for the general discourse and tone of the narrative, they were mostly neutral if not even positive at times. Though it’s important to note that whatever points the authors aimed to make, they were rarely ever explicit." (Some of the key findings, page 8-9)
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"[...] MiCT conducted a comparative content analysis on coverage of two issues of national concern on eight different Iraqi TV channels in August 2019: (1) the shelling of a PMF-held position near the Balad Air Base in Salahuddin and (2) the lifting of parliamentary immunity of select Members of Par
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liament (MPs), namely Talal al-Zobaie, the former head of the Integrity Committee. The purpose of this research is to understand the differences between how local TV channels select and frame political events and the news time they dedicate to these events. The channels included in the sample were selected from the North, Center and South of the country, representing different political, regional and sectarian strands across Iraq. The study recorded, transcribed and compared the content of main news bulletins from eight Iraqi TV channels over four days during the third week of August 2019 (19-23 August 2019). The shelling revealed polarisation between al-Ahed, owned by Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq (AAH) (the Iran-controlled wing of the Popular Mobilization Forces) and the public channel al-Iraqiya, known to be controlled by the government. The analysis found that the two antagonists used ‘their’ channels to promote opposing narratives on this event. The polarisation is however not between the Sunni and Shia camp, but rather highlights the inner-Shia conflict between certain factions within the PMF and the government. Countering this polarisation, the content analysis of the shelling also revealed a major midfield of discourse in which no significant differences between Sunni- and Shia-backed channels were found. Iraqi channels engage in broad and pluralistic debate, producing and circulating an array of frames across regional and sectarian borders. These channels’ scope of coverage, wealth of opinions and critical analyses position them as evidence of media pluralism at work. From this angle, as salient as it may be, polarisation appears to be a remnant from the time of ethno-sectarian politics, which still work inside the system but are slowly fading." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"The report of last 12 months regarding journalists safety. We received from Ministry of Justice (MoJ), the fourth report to fight Impunity for the last 12 months which is made by the Iraqi national Committee of Safety of Journalists and issue of Impunity, as responding to the UNESCO’s request upo
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n the guideline that p. [...] MoJ endorsed the UNESCO’s MoI, National Starting the implementation of the project to esatablish the hotlines to the journalists, project of safety of journalists at Committee of training and live radio program in the MoJ radio station. [...]" (Abstract)
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