"This paper sought to provide an account of the epistemic modes of Muqtada al-Sadr’s charisma production on hybrid media. It did so while engaging in a virtual ethnography of videographic content on Instagram and YouTube from Muqtada and his ostensible fan pages. The affective bond conceptual fram
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ework, derivative of the newly developed emotional entrepreneurism theory, was deployed to understand how his charisma is promoted and interpreted on hybrid media. Utilising the affective bond enabled a condensed and accessible understanding of Muqtada’s charisma that resonated with pre-existing accounts of his image. It did this by presenting al-Sadr as a symbol of legitimacy, hope, and authenticity to his followers. In accordance with the findings of this paper, Muqtada’s legitimacy symbolism was seen as both institutionally-inherited and historically-anchored. The former refers to his followers’ recognition of the legitimacy embedded within the Sadri movement’sreligio-populist ideology, and its founding fathers (Sadr Iand II). The latter connotes Muqtada’s capability to validate his inheritance of such legitimacy as a credible extension of the Sadri legacy. This was regularly demonstrated in hybrid media through the Sadri leader’s acts of reverence towards his father and his teachings, enacting anti-elitist, anti-imperial, and nationalistic policies, and acting, dressing, and speaking similarly to his father. Muqtada’s hope symbolism was understood as a recognition of his capacity to create solutions for the Sadri populus’s problem-sets. Videographic material on hybrid media reflected this through its romanticisation of his ability to challenge corrupt elites and provide structural support for his constituency." (Conclusion, page 24)
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"Erstmals wird mit diesem Buch eine alle Epochen umfassende Monographie über den Irak bis zur Gegenwart vorgelegt, und zwar aus Sicht des Christentums. Die religionswissenschaftliche Untersuchung rückt dabei auch die islamischen Strömungen sowie weitere religiöse Minderheiten und Ethnien, insbes
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ondere die Jesiden, in den Fokus. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf dem 20. und 21. Jahrhundert. Mit Blick auf den politischen Kontext wird der Sturz Saddam Husseins analysiert, die Verfassungsentwürfe untersucht und den Wurzeln der Entstehung des Terrorregimes des „Islamischen Staates“ nachgegangen. Diese Darstellung der politischen und gesellschaftlichen Faktoren wird um das Wirken der christlichen Kirchen im Irak ergänzt. Dabei nimmt die Diplomatie des Heiligen Stuhls im Zweistromland breiten Raum ein. Die wissenschaftliche Untersuchung mit einem umfassenden Literaturverzeichnis und unbekannten Archivmaterialien verbindet die Sicht von Religion und Politik im Irak. Sie ist eine Hommage an die Christen, die – trotz des anhaltenden Exodus – im Land verblieben sind, und eine Erinnerung an die ungezählten vom Terror ermordeten Opfer von Christen und Jesiden. Die kenntnisreiche Analyse der Reise von Papst Franziskus in den Irak 2021 macht deutlich, dass die Christen eine Zukunft im Land einfordern, am Aufbau der Zivilgesellschaft mitwirken wollen und für eine friedliche Koexistenz werben, wie sie über Jahrhunderte praktiziert wurde. Ihr Handeln ist ein Zeugnis dafür, dass sie wesentlicher Motor einer Versöhnungsgeschichte sind, die in die Gesellschaft hineinwirkt. Die Realität ist trotzdem bitter: Das Christentum im Irak steht vor seinem Ende. Wenn es nicht zu einer politischen Wende im Land kommt und stattdessen radikalisierende Weltbilder weiter zunehmen, droht das Christentum zu erlöschen. So müssen die irakischen Christen für ihr kulturelles Erbe auch künftig um das Überleben kämpfen. Ihren blutigen und steinigen Weg bis heute zeichnet der Autor nach. „Iraks christliches Erbe“ ist das historische und religionswissenschaftliche Kaleidoskop eines reichen Vermächtnisses in der Wiege der Menschheit." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Disputed Archival Heritage brings important new perspectives into the discourse on displaced archives. In contrast to shared or joint heritage framings, the book considers the implications of force, violence and loss in the displacement of archival heritage. With chapters from established and emerg
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ing scholars in the field of archival studies, Disputed Archival Heritage extends and enriches the conversation that started with the earlier volume, Displaced Archives. Advancing novel theories and methods for understanding disputes and claims over archives, the volume includes chapters that focus on Indigenous records in settler colonial states; literary and community archives; sub-national and private sector displacements; successes in repatriating formerly displaced archives; comparisons with cultural objects seized by colonial powers; and the relationship between repatriation and reparations. Analysing key concepts such as joint heritage and provenance, the contributors unsettle Western understandings of records, place and ownership." (Publisher description)
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"This Handbook presents a transnational and interdisciplinary study of refugee narratives, broadly defined. Interrogating who can be considered a refugee and what constitutes a narrative, the thirty-eight chapters included in this collection encompass a range of forcibly displaced subjects, a mix of
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geographical and historical contexts, and a variety of storytelling modalities. Analyzing novels, poetry, memoirs, comics, films, photography, music, social media, data, graffiti, letters, reports, eco-design, video games, archival remnants, and ethnography, the individual chapters counter dominant representations of refugees as voiceless victims. Addressing key characteristics and thematics of refugee narratives, this Handbook examines how refugee cultural productions are shaped by and in turn shape socio-political landscapes." (Publisher description)
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"Local media that cater to their local communities are still rare in Arab countries due to government control and centralization of media production. In some transitional states, however, we observe a mushrooming of new local small media initiatives after regulation modes have changed. Yet, these me
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dia operate in often fragile states in which a sustainable development of autonomous media is difficult to achieve. In this study, we investigate how local media in Iraq and Libya unfolded and developed over the past decade(s) after regime change. We map the status quo and compare the proliferation of small local media in both countries against the backdrop of media capture and flawed media regulation – patterns that are typical for transitional states." (Abstract)
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"Due to the increasing number of journalists being killed, kidnapped, and imprisoned across the globe, the safety of journalists seems to be deteriorating. The level of violence against journalists varies over time and from area to area, even within the same country. This article analyzes the violen
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ce faced by journalists in the conflict areas of Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan. The collected data were analyzed thematically using the research question themes, namely threats and challenges affecting journalists; gender-specific risk; the number of affected journalists; types of risk factors involved in conflict reporting; and the recommendations for promoting conflict reporting and peace journalism education. Semi-structured questionnaires were designed, which entailed questions that were best suited in terms of the objectives of the study. Responses from the selected respondents (80) were recorded and then data from 1992 to 2020 were statistically analyzed. In conflict areas (Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan), the highest number of deaths were recorded due to crossfire (45.8%). The findings illustrate that among three countries Iraq had the highest number of male (48.4%) and female (4.2%) journalists in terms of gender-specific risk. Further results show that military officials and political groups are the deepest risk factors causing threats to the lives of journalists. In conclusion, a journalist's geographic location, workplace environment, religion, and culture can influence their moral behavior, sense of judgment, general mindset, and psychological disposition, all of which influence journalists’ overall behavior and attitude. However, adopting safety measures by journalists does not always reduce the challenges of conflict areas." (Abstract)
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"The Palgrave Handbook of Gender, Media and Communication in the Middle East and North Africa stands as an authoritative and up-to-date resource on the critical debates, research methods and ongoing reflections on how gender and communication intersect with the economic, social, political, and cultu
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ral fabrics of the countries in the MENA region. The handbook comprises thirty chapters written by both established and rising scholars of gender, media, and digital technologies, and will rely on fresh data which seeks to capture the dynamic and complex realities of MENA societies, as well as the tensions and contradictions in the politics of gender and uses of communication technologies. The Handbook is split into six sections: Gender, Identities and Sexualities; The Gender of Politics; Gender and Activism; Gender-Based Violence; Gender and Entrepreneurship; and Gender in Expressive Cultures." (Publisher description)
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"This paper examines the influence of international political actors in perpetuating disinformation in fragile states, using Iraq as a case study. The advent of modern technology and social media has transformed the global information landscape, providing new avenues for the dissemination of disinfo
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rmation. This study delves into the history of disinformation in Iraq, particularly during and after the fall of the Baathist regime, and investigates how national and international actors utilise disinformation as a political tool. Through three case studies, the overlapping interests of regional, international, and local actors are explored, focusing on their use of social and legacy media platforms to execute influence operations targeting the Iraqi public. The first case study examines the Iranian-aligned Iraqi Radio and Television Union and their deployment of disinformation narratives during the 2021 national election. The second case study investigates unofficial Iranian-aligned Telegram media outlets and their promotion of the Russian narrative in the Russia-Ukraine War. The final case study analyses Pro-China and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Facebook influencers in Iraq and their engagement in coordinated inauthentic behavior. By connecting the interactions of these actors, this paper reveals a complex web of disinformation in the Iraqi digital information ecosystem, emphasising the role played by national and international actors in perpetuating it. The findings contribute to a better understanding of disinformation dynamics, enabling more effective strategies to combat disinformation and foster informed and democratic societies." (Abstract)
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"This paper focuses on the (in)direct tools of governmental bureaucracy used to control journalistic work in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). It calls for understanding media capture not only through structural-level consequences, but also through the methods used to create an environment of inst
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ability and unsafety. To make sense of these processes, and how they are experienced and negotiated by journalists, this paper combines scholarship on the emotional labor of journalism with scholarship on processes of media capture in deeply restrictive environments. The mixed-methods approach aims first to uncover structural conditions of media capture in the KRI through a document analysis of 21 public reports published by the Kurdistan Journalists’ Syndicate (KJS) and the Metro Center for Journalists’ Rights and Advocacy (MC) between 2014 and 2020. Second, it aims to reveal how journalists and editors-in-chief from diverse media organizations manage and negotiate these chronic conditions of precarity and instability, through 15 semi-structured in-depth interviews. The results show multiple strategies that have been developed by journalists and editors to mitigate or acclimate direct and indirect bureaucratic violence (e.g., editorial support, socialization skills and networks, understanding of unspoken and unwritten rules, etc.)." (Abstract)
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"This qualitative study report primarily details the reactions of local audiences in Lebanon, Iraq, and Sudan and their perception of media content produced by journalist trained by ENQUIRE (Enhancing Quality Information on Religious Freedoms). The content is compared with that of more traditional,
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local media, in order to assess the professional development of the trained journalists and better identify potential areas of improvement in terms of appealing to the audience and gaining traction and influence. It also adds another dimension, as it seeks to understand how these audiences, coming from different genders, ages as well as religions, consume and trust (or distrust) media content in general. Understanding their perceptions and opinions would allow for the production of more engaging and thought-provoking content in the future, while sparking conversations related to religious minorities. In that respect, although each country has its own set of individual findings, several common trends emerge. The online realm, namely Facebook and WhatsApp, dominates the audience’s media consumption patterns and is often the first resort due to its ease of access and its capacity to make users feel in control of what they consume. This presents its own set of risks and must be appropriately addressed in future endeavors. Regardless, it is too soon to completely discount offline media especially with the ever-present TV stations that manage to reach and influence a significant portion of the population, according to the participants. Despite the difficulty to precisely define it, trust remains an element that manages to greatly shape media consumption patterns. As for the ENQUIRE-trained journalists, their content enjoyed a mixed reception. On the one hand, it often proved to be highly educational and thought-provoking, which is one of the goals of this project. On the other hand, there were times where it was perceived as inflammatory and could not be told apart from typical media outlets’ production, which many participants often avoid." (Executive summary)
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"Following seminal study on journalistic attitudes towards wars and peace journalism, in this study we investigated the perceptions of conflict reporters in the three most deadly countries in the world including Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. A total of 317 journalists participated in this study. T
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hough generally we found support for the earlier study, the analysis shows journalists engage in wider practices than predicted that overlap war and peace journalism approaches. A closer examination showed that journalists favored active war journalism practices and passive peace journalism practices. Finally, we did not find that journalistic experience and contextual factors influenced preferences towards war and peace journalism substantially." (Abstract)
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"The report monitors the number and types of media material covering this topic and published by the monitored media platforms. It analyzes the content of the material, the way it tackles the topic, its degree of reliance on objective sources related to the story, as well as its way of addressing th
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e religious aspect. The report also analyzes the dates on which the biggest number of stories were published and the reasons justifying such record numbers, as it dives into the relationship between the religious aspect, which is the research topic, as well as the “political deadlock” plaguing Iraq. Differently put, it monitors the exploitation, effect, and coverage of the issue, as well as the role that media outlets play in this regard. To find content about the topic, the following keywords were looked up: “Mahmoud Al-Sarkhi,” “Sarkhi,” “Ali al-Masoudi,” “Masudi,” “Demolition of Shiite shrines,” “Shiite shrines,” “Demolition of Shiite religious shrines,” “Shiite sites” “Demolition of Shiite religious shrines and sites,” “Sarkhi,” “Masoudi’s call,” “Al-Hussein Army,” “Babylon,” “Masoudi’s arrest,” and “Sarkhi’s headquarters.” The research is limited to the period in which the calls were issued, namely from April 8 to 28, 2022, about a week following the issuance of prison sentences against the offenders in the case at hand." (Monitoring metholodogy, page 6)
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"This report highlights the networks, supporters, and the platforms of Islamic State disinformation disseminators, focusing on popular social media platforms as well as encrypted messaging applications. These disinformation networks are creating self-branded media outlets with followers in the tens
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of thousands, and often with innocuous names like “Global Happenings,” “DRIL” and “Media Center,” to evade moderation and takedowns. These same networks use coded language and a codebook of emojis to spread Islamic State “news” to other networks of supporters, who similarly evade moderation. These ‘alternative news outlets’ are trying to outcompete narratives publicized by government officials as well as independent mainstream media and individual journalists – groups that were also heavily targeted by Islamic State." (Publisher description)
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"Developed and delivered in 2021/2022, the Digital Media Arts for an inclusive Public Sphere (Digital MAPS) programme brought together three universities, a data science and software company, an international Digital Peacebuilding NGO, as well as 18 country-based media-arts initiatives, to explore l
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ocal responses to affective polarisation – defined as the increasing dislike, distrust, and animosity towards those from other cultural or identity-based groups. As you will read, through Digital MAPS, we worked with young leaders from the creative and media-arts sector, across eight countries in MENA (Libya, Palestine, Jordan, Yemen, Iraq, the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), Tunisia and Syria), providing them with the skills, resources and technology to understand polarisation and depolarisation approaches, conduct their own social media analysis and on the basis of this design and deliver pilot interventions to undercut affective polarisation - whether it be centred on gender, ethno-sectarian conflict, intergenerational conflict or hate speech in general. We hope the information contained here within, will be of interest to digital peacebuilding and digital cultural relations practitioners, policy makers and academics. More especially, we hope it can stimulate a conversation on the intersection between the two and the role of Cultural Relations in addressing the drivers that undermine it." (Introduction)
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"Sardasht Osman was a courageous and talented 23-year-old citizen journalist, who wrote about corruption and political mismanagement within the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) in a period of political upheaval. On 13 December 2009, Sardasht wrote a satirical article accusing the family of Presiden
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t Barzani of corruption and nepotism, a ‘red line’ in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). The article, titled: ‘I Am In Love With Barzani’s Daughter’, juxtaposed the hardships of average Kurdish citizens with the lavish lifestyle of the Barzani family. On 4 May 2010, Sardasht was kidnapped in Erbil and assassinated because of his writings. Twelve years later, no one has been arrested and convicted for his kidnap and assassination, and there are serious allegations that officials linked to the Barzani family were involved in the murder. Our investigation team interviewed dozens of witnesses, analyzed official case files and statements, and reviewed satellite imagery and photographic evidence. The aim was to scrutinize the official investigation and unearth new findings concerning Sardasht’s murder. This report reveals serious flaws in the official investigation into the kidnap and assassination of Sardasht, and finds credible allegations that Kurdish authorities were directly involved in the murder." (Abstract)
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