"El público colombiano tiene hoy con esta importante obra, un lúcido y sugerente estudio acerca de la relación entre la política de ‘seguridad democrática’, –principal componente e la gestión gubernamental del presidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez –, y los medios de comunicación. El texto q
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ue la Universidad Autónoma de Occidente entrega, explica sin dubitaciones como los medios sirven a los intereses del Gobierno y sin distancia alguna cerraron filas en torno a un estilo, a una forma de gobernar y de entender la democracia, aupando la posibilidad de que Uribe sea reelecto. El actuar de los medios será vital para el fortalecimiento de la democracia o por el contrario, para dejarla aún más frágil, dada la importancia que tiene la información y el papel de los medios como generadores de opinión pública. El libro representa, ante todo, un esfuerzo de seguimiento al trabajo interpretativo e informativo de columnistas y espacios periodísticos televisivos y en general a varios medios masivos colombianos en torno a la forma como unos y otros abordaron, entendieron y presentaron los hechos, asuntos y perspectivas de la política pública de ‘seguridad democrática’, ejecutada en la administración de Uribe Vélez (2002- 2006). El trabajo se divide en seis capítulos a través de los cuales los autores dan cuenta de la mirada minimalista que en general medios, periodistas y columnistas hicieron del concepto de ‘seguridad democrática’ y de la política pública que –en últimas – garantizó el triunfo electoral de Uribe Vélez y mantiene su buena imagen mediática." (Prólogo)
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"As journalists in Iraq and other hot spots around the world continue to face harrowing dangers and personal threats, neuropsychiatrist Anthony Feinstein offers a timely and important exploration into the psychological damage of those who, armed only with pen, tape recorder, or camera, bear witness
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to horror. Based on a series of recent studies investigating the emotional impact of war on the profession, Journalists under Fire breaks new ground in the study of trauma-related disorders." (Abstract)
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"Killing the Messenger reveals the dangerous new face of war and journalism. Covering armed conflicts has always been dangerous business, but in the past, press heroes like Ernie Pyle and Edward R. Murrow faced only the danger of random bullets or bombs. Today’s war correspondent is actually in th
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e cross hairs, a target of combatants on all sides of conflicts. In their own words, correspondents describe the new dangers they face and attempt to explain why they are targeted. Killing the Messenger reveals the dangerous new face of war and journalism. Covering armed conflicts has always been dangerous business, but in the past, press heroes like Ernie Pyle and Edward R. Murrow faced only the danger of random bullets or bombs. Today’s war correspondent is actually in the cross hairs, a target of combatants on all sides of conflicts.
In this book, correspondents describe the new dangers they face, and attempt to explain why they are targeted. Is it simply that modern combatants are more brutal than in the past, or has journalism changed, making correspondents players, rather than observers, in modern warfare? Extended interviews with correspondents who have been abducted and tortured during Middle East conflicts shed chilling light on this new face of war. These journalists, who have paid dearly to bring first-hand images of war to the public, offer some surprising insights into the nature and motivation of their kidnappers, and the reasons why reporters are targeted. They display no self-pity and little inclination to blame anyone other than themselves. At the same time, they are candid in describing the violence within Iraq and without. Ways to reduce the risks for reporters are discussed, but these editors and correspondents suggest that, short of withdrawing into isolated and protected enclaves, they may be facing an indefinite escalation of violence against journalists." (Abstract)
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"[...] aid for the media in El Salvador played a role in shaping a more open, tolerant tone for political debate and a more dynamic news media. Although the assistance was relatively modest, it came at a pivotal moment after the signing of the peace accords. To realize the full potential of media as
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sistance in any society, conducive political conditions are crucial. Donors could have better exploited the opportunity in El Salvador with a more generous, coordinated, farsighted strategy." (Lessons and recommendations, page 252-253)
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"This study examines the perceptions of journalists working for two international television news agencies about this safety policy called the ‘Joint code of practice for journalists working in conflict zones’. This policy was adopted in November 2000 by five major television companies including
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the television news agencies Reuters Television and Associated Press Television News. This study finds that the policy had significant flaws in how it was formulated and how it is communicated, implemented and reviewed. Recognising the existence of unequal relations of power and conflicting interests at play in any policy process, this study stresses that in the case of the journalist safety policy, all stakeholders should have participated in the relevant policy stages. This argument arises from researching the policy document as well as from the point of view of managers, and particularly journalists who work on dangerous assignments, either full-time or on a freelance basis for either of the two television news agencies. It finds that while journalists are not generally aware of the policy, they do practice many of its elements as well as a range of their own custom-made strategies to protect themselves. The result is to make the policy less effective than it could be." (Abstract)
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"This manual was designed for project managers, and gives emphasis to the planning and production - not on scriptwriting - of radio soap operas for peace building in conflict areas. Its underlying assumption is that radio soap operas can, over a long term period, subtly change attitudes, and contrib
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ute to peace, because they reach people emotionally. The guide gives instructions on several steps of the planning and implementation process, such as conducting a timeline, defining the target audience, and choosing a team, recording a schedule, and planning the budget. It discusses where to record a soap opera (in studio or outside), how long a soap opera should last, and when it should be broadcast. It gives advice on the pre-test phase with focus groups, and provides a checklist with the overarching aims, ie, the intended outcomes and the emotional focus, of the soap. The appendix contains an excerpt from an Indonesian radio drama serial, produced by Common Ground Indonesia." (commbox)
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"Der Vietnamkrieg (1960 - 1975) gilt auch heute noch als einer der bedeutendesten kriegerischen Konflikte der Nachkriegszeit. Beharrlich wird im aktuellen Irakkrieg der warnende Vergleich mit dem amerikanischen Trauma in Südostasien gewagt, ohne vielleicht genau zu wissen, welche Wirkungszusammenh
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nge zwischen Politik, Presse und öffentlicher Meinung bestehen und bestanden haben. Jan Wölfl bedient sich des interdisziplinären Ansatzes der Staatswissenschaften, um die Beziehungen zwischen der Presse- und Informationspolitik der US-Administrationen und der Berichterstattung der Medien zu analysieren." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The problem of the protection of journalists is closely linked to that of freedom of information and was first considered as early as 1893/94. In 1927 a conference of press experts held in Geneva adopted various resolutions for their submission to member states. These resolutions addressed a range
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of issues, including the treatment of foreign journalists and specific proposals for the prevention of violence against journalists. Among these, in particular, was the establishment of an identity card for journalists. Unfortunately these resolutions were of no consequence and the problem was never addressed again." (Abstract)
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