"Using expert interviews and focus groups, this book investigates the theoretical and practical intersection of misinformation and social media hate in contemporary societies. Social Media and Hate argues that these phenomena, and the extreme violence and discrimination they initiate against targete
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d groups, are connected to the socio-political contexts, values and behaviours of users of social media platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, ShareChat, Instagram and WhatsApp. The argument moves from a theoretical discussion of the practices and consequences of sectarian hatred, through a methodological evaluation of quantitative and qualitative studies on this topic, to four qualitative case studies of social media hate, and its effects on groups, individuals and wider politics in India, Brazil, Myanmar and the UK. The technical, ideological and networked similarities and connections between social media hate against people of African and Asian descent, indigenous communities, Muslims, Dalits, dissenters, feminists, LGBTQIA+ communities, Rohingya and immigrants across the four contexts is highlighted, stressing the need for an equally systematic political response." (Publisher description)
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"This study examines racism, antisemitism, and xenophobia on Facebook and Twitter. The authors were looking for patterns in the mass of posts, tweets, and images that circulate on social media. To do this, they focused on a series of case studies. These demonstrate that political discussion on socia
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l media is often dominated by angry and loud voices who too often seem to press the 'send button' before thinking of the consequences, or, in some cases, deliberately aim to sow discord and division." (Foreword)
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"The Strong Cities Network (SCN) conducted an online investigation into the scale and scope of Russian-language stigmatisation and abuse of Central Asian labour migrants. Through a mixed-methods approach that combined natural-language processing technology with manual qualitative research, the SCN w
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as able to identify key narratives and terminology used to dehumanise and ostracise Central Asians. This paper presents the SCN's findings and provides a series of recommendations for addressing anti-migrant hateful and polarising content online." (Executive summary)
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"This report highlights the networks, supporters, and the platforms of Islamic State disinformation disseminators, focusing on popular social media platforms as well as encrypted messaging applications. These disinformation networks are creating self-branded media outlets with followers in the tens
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of thousands, and often with innocuous names like “Global Happenings,” “DRIL” and “Media Center,” to evade moderation and takedowns. These same networks use coded language and a codebook of emojis to spread Islamic State “news” to other networks of supporters, who similarly evade moderation. These ‘alternative news outlets’ are trying to outcompete narratives publicized by government officials as well as independent mainstream media and individual journalists – groups that were also heavily targeted by Islamic State." (Publisher description)
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"[…] This project looks at experiences and observations of what it means to speak truth to power and receive hate as it is manifested through varying degrees of violence, across a variety of instances. Drawing on the responses of 15 interviewees, this qualitative research report presents 3 section
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s in understanding 'Hated Speech': (a) Forestalling Speech, (b) Speech in Polarised and Reactionary contexts, (c) Speaking For Oneself In One's Voice. The report ends by Enunciating Hope, offering a reflection on possibilities and pathways for solidary-building and reflexive collective action." (Executive Summary, page 2)
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"Das Internet unterstützt auf vielfältige Weise die Wirkung, Effizienz und Effektivität radikalen und extremistischen Gedankenguts, indem es Austausch, Koordination und Informationsbeschaffung erleichtert und beschleunigt. In Folge der langfristigen, strategischen Nutzung der Gelegenheitsstruktur
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en des Internets durch radikale/extremistische Akteure, haben diese umfangreiche, extremismenspezifische Online-Ökosysteme aufgebaut, die auf verschiedene Plattformen verteilt – je nach Angebotscharakter – alle notwendigen Funktionalitäten zur Verbreitung der eigenen Ideologie bieten: von Rekrutierung über Finanzierung bis zu Anschlagsplanung, und insbesondere auch zur Vernetzung und Mobilisierung. Beispielsweise dienen Foren, Chaträume und Instant Messenger primär dem Austausch mit Gleichgesinnten und zu Rekrutierungszwecken. Webseiten werden als teils themenspezifische Informationssammlungen und zur Bereitstellung von Propagandamaterialien genutzt und soziale Medien ermöglichen die großflächige Verbreitung ideologisch-motivierter Botschaften mit enormer Geschwindigkeit sowie die Vernetzung über regionale Bereiche hinweg. Eigene Nachrichtenwebseiten, sogenannte alternative Nachrichtenmedien, dienen der Verzerrung aktueller Ereignisse ganz im Sinne des ideologisch geprägten Weltbilds. Zum Teil hochgradig spezifische Angebote wie Dating-Websites oder extremistische Online-Games werden entwickelt, um Vernetzung und Gruppenkohäsion zu stärken [...] Die systematische Literaturanalyse hat gezeigt, dass sich das Forschungsfeld Online-Radikalisierung innerhalb der letzten Jahre kontinuierlich vergrößert hat und sich sowohl phänomenologisch als auch methodologisch ausdifferenzierte. Trotzdem besteht gegeben der – vor allem auch aktuell – hohen Relevanz des Themas erheblicher empirischer Forschungsbedarf hinsichtlich des Umfangs, der Wirkung und der tatsächlichen Folgen von Radikalisierung im Internet. Zusätzlich zur Konzentration auf konkrete Angebote wie spezifische Websites ist von zentraler Bedeutung, sich mehr auf die Besonderheiten technischer Architekturen zu konzentrieren. Erst dadurch werden systematische, längerfristig gültige Aussagen ermöglicht und die Identifikation konkreter Problemfelder verbessert. Die Entwicklung und empirische Prüfung von Indikatoren für verschiedene Ausprägungen von Radikalisierungsdynamiken ermöglicht die Beobachtung und langfristiges Monitoring des Geschehens, um frühzeitig mit adäquaten, gezielten Gegenmaßnahmen reagieren zu können." (Fazit, Seite 36)
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"Beginning in August 2017, the Myanmar security forces undertook a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar’s Northern Rakhine State. A UN investigation found that the role of Facebook in the violence was “significant”. This report is based on an in-depth investi
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gation into Meta (formerly Facebook)’s role in the serious human rights violations perpetrated against the Rohingya. It reveals that in the months and years leading up to the 2017 atrocities, the Facebook platform became an echo chamber of virulent anti-Rohingya content in Myanmar. Meta’s algorithms proactively amplified and promoted content which incited violence, hatred, and discrimination against the Rohingya – pouring fuel on the fire of long-standing discrimination and substantially increasing the risk of an outbreak of mass violence. Despite its partial acknowledgement that it played a role in the 2017 violence against the Rohingya, Meta has to date failed to provide an effective remedy to affected Rohingya communities. However, Amnesty International’s systematic legal analysis of Meta’s role in the atrocities perpetrated against the Rohingya leaves little room for doubt: Meta substantially contributed to adverse human rights impacts suffered by the Rohingya and has a responsibility to provide survivors with an effective remedy." (Back cover)
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"The purpose of this research is two-fold: first, to assess the effectiveness of the restrictions placed on Russian state-affiliated media by the European Union after the start of the Russian invasion of Ukraine; second, to unearth potential circumvention methods and their success in enabling pro-Kr
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emlin content to reach European audiences. This report breaks down into two parts: firstly, an analysis of traffic from global and European audiences to all RT websites, as well as websites associated with Rossiya Segodnya, a media group affiliated with the Kremlin that operates various outlets, including Sputnik. For this, analysts conducted website forensics and collected website traffic data to identify all RT and Rossiya Segodnya domains and to understand who is still accessing their content and how. The second study explored how RT articles that negatively depict Ukrainians seeking refuge in Europe and elsewhere were made available through various means across the EU." (About this publication)
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"This report outlines the findings from the initial scoping phase of a project supported by a grant from Omidyar Network and launched by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) and CASM Technology to identify online spaces used by extremist, hate and disinformation actors and communities as they
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increasingly move away from mainstream social media platforms. The report outlines the key barriers posed by these platforms to researching and mitigating harmful content and behaviours, and reviews existing research methodologies and tools to address these barriers. Finally, the report presents possible future scenarios for the evolving online ecosystem, and proposes a series of initial recommendations for policy-makers, platforms and the research community." (About this publication)
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"Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) researchers identified key pro-Putin accounts with two or more duplicates engaged in administering, moderating, and contributing to large public Facebook groups with hundreds of thousands of members fawning over the Russian President Vladimir Putin, the Russia
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n military, and occasionally spreading Kremlin disinformation, all while generating millions of posts across the platform. This briefing note outlines the mechanics, narratives, and linkages of the pro-Putin power users — producing content at a high-rate day in and day out since the start of the invasion — on Facebook to pro-Kremlin groups and pages, painting a picture of a coordinated, seemingly inauthentic campaign intended to buttress the image of Putin in a range of languages and geographies. While research is still ongoing, ISD has identified emerging linkages between this network and the Kremlin media apparatus, which provides much of the content used. Pro-Putin support has long been a staple of several pages, groups, and networks on Facebook. The role of what appear to be inauthentic networks, however, has been under-reported outside of election cycles. This briefing note highlights a different reality, where disparate yet connected micro-networks of duplicate pro-Putin power users are always active, evading moderation and detection for years." (About this publication)
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"Es ist erstaunlich, dass der römisch-katholische Radio-Priester Charles Coughlin – Vertreter der amerikanischen Religiösen Rechten, Antikommunist, Antisemit, Demagoge und Zeitzeuge der ersten America First-Bewegung – hierzulande so gut wie unbekannt ist. Ebenso erstaunlich ist, dass er bis vo
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r kurzem in den USA, einem Land, in dem allsonntäglich Millionen Menschen seinen politischen Predigten lauschten, nahezu vollständig in Vergessenheit geraten war. Coughlins Geschichte weist viele Aspekte auf, die auch gegenwärtig in Gesellschaft und Politik, nicht nur in den USA, eine Rolle spielen: die Nutzung neuer Medien für die Verbreitung von alternativen Fakten und Verschwörungstheorien, der Erfolg populistischer Versprechungen, Narzissmus, die Konfrontation von Demagogie und wehrhafter Demokratie. Der Politikwissenschaftler Helmut Klumpjan schildert das politisch-religiöse Leben Father Coughlins, erklärt den historischen und politischen Kontext seiner Zeit (1891–1979) und misst zuletzt den Wegbereiter des Hate Radio an seinem eigenen Idol: Wie gelingt es einem Menschen, der sich das Liebes-Motto einer christlichen Heiligen auf die Fahne geschrieben hat, dennoch Hass zu verbreiten?" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Researchers at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) led a two-year investigation into the online media ecosystem of al-Shabaab and the Islamic State in Africa, analyzing the role of “independent news” outlets and their intersections with hundreds-strong networks of amplifier profiles on F
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acebook linked to a number of central pages identifying themselves as “media outlets” or “media personalities” operating in Somali, Kiswahili and Arabic. Researchers found that the network of support for al-Shabaab and Islamic State extended across several platforms, including decentralized messaging applications such as Element and RocketChat, and encrypted messaging platforms such as Telegram, as well as Twitter, YouTube and Facebook. A qualitative cross-platform analysis showed the most active, networked, and multilingual ecosystem of support for al-Shabaab and the Islamic State existed on Facebook, where profiles and pages classified as “media outlets” were sharing terrorist content openly and eschewing private groups and profiles. The content that ISD researchers observed through the networks is often linked to “media” and “media personality” pages in Somali, Kiswahili and Arabic, and not only violates the platform’s community guidelines, but also points to language moderation blind spots that have been previously documented by journalists as well as whistleblowers." (Publisher description)
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"Hate Speech ist Alltag, egal ob auf der Straße, im Parlament oder im Netz. Menschen werden beleidigt, entwürdigt und man ruft zu Gewalt auf. Die Folgen sind unübersehbar. Hate Speech ist so zu einem gesellschaftsbedrohenden Phänomen avanciert, befeuert durch politische und soziale Krisen wie di
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e Flüchtlingskrise 2015/16 und die Corona-Pandemie 2020/21. Mit diesem Sammelband möchten wir einen Beitrag zu einer strukturierten Reflexion des Phänomens leisten. Dabei werden sprachliche Indikatoren von Hassrede, die Bedeutung von digitaler Kommunikation für Hass und Hetze sowie öffentliche Kommunikation und Hate Speech in der Praxis diskutiert. Ebenso setzt der Band sich mit möglichen politischen, rechtlichen, journalistischen sowie zivilgesellschaftlichen Handlungsoptionen auseinander. Einen besonderen Fokus legen wir dabei auf die journalistische Bearbeitung und digitale Verbreitung von Hate Speech." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Delving into the meanings, implications, contexts and effects of extreme speech and gated communities in the media landscape, the chapters analyse misleading metaphors and rhetoric via focused case studies to understand how we can overcome the risks and threats stemming from the past decade's defin
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ing communicative phenomena. The book brings together an international team of experts, enabling a broad, multidisciplinary approach that examines hate speech, dislike, polarization and enclave deliberation as cross axes that influence offline and digital conversations." (Publisher description)
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"Several projects, publications and initiatives within German development cooperation already focus on bridging the digital gender divide, for instance by promoting gender-equitable internet access, digital literacy and employment opportunities in the tech sector. This paper aims to build on existin
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g work in the field of gender-based online violence (GBOV) and its influence on political and societal participation. A special focus is put on how GBOV can affect the political and societal participation of women and girls in all their diversity as well as other genders, and how this might be remedied. The objective is to provide German development cooperation with some background information on GBOV to raise awareness of the issue, including a taxonomy of the different forms of GBOV, as well as a first overview of implementation approaches to prevent and address the consequences of GBOV." (Introduction)
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"This publication is the first report from UNESCO and the United Nations to specifically address Holocaust denial and distortion. It details the ways in which social media is fertile ground for hate and prejudice - and proposes actions we can take in response. Based on the data of billions of Facebo
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ok, Twitter, Instagram, and Telegram users, the report outlines what information English, French, Spanish, and German speakers encounter about the Holocaust. Almost half of all Holocaust-related content on Telegram, for example, is false, misleading, or distorted. Holocaust denial and distortion are often present alongside other types of online hate speech and misinformation such as homophobia, misogyny, xenophobia, conspiracy theory and COVID-19 denial. This co-presence indicates that these issues should not necessarily be addressed in isolation." (Foreword)
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"Platforms have power. But this power is not unchecked. Governments have an important role to play in protecting their citizens' rights vis-à-vis third parties and ensuring a communication order in which rights are not violated. (And in addition, of course, they need to respect human rights themsel
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ves and not arbitrarily shut down sites or use their power to make the Internet less free and open). As leader of working group 2 it is my distinct privilege to present this collection which unites studies by researchers within the Global Digital Human Rights Networks on issues connected to the overarching question of how platforms deal with human rights and their human rights obligations. This study is a key deliverable of our working group in the second year of the Global Digital Human Rights Network's activities. We will follow-up with Guidelines for platforms and an Assessment Model for states and other stakeholders in 2024. We developed this study under Corona conditions but were able to meet in the Tyrolean Alps in Obergurgl, Austria, in July 2022 to finalize this study." (Preface, page 7)
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