"This discussion paper seeks to give an overview of the key aspects that need to be taken into consideration to address the occurrence of hate speech on social media, be it through concrete regulations by social media companies, counter efforts and legislations or preventive educational measures. Th
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e paper is divided into three sections: part 1 focuses on definitions of hate speech and associated legal frameworks, part 2 reviews and addresses tools and techniques for monitoring hate speech online and discusses measurements of the prevalence of online hate speech and part 3 discusses potential counter and preventive measures." (Page 2)
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"This document reports an increase in so-called “hate speech” posts on Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Although dissimilar, such an increase can be observed in the transparency reports of the different platforms and the surge in content moderation since M
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arch 2020. During the same period—as a result of the lockdown measures adopted in most countries around the world—platforms increased the use of AI tools for content moderation. Therefore, we can’t fully say whether the interannual growth is linked to increased posts or changes in monitoring systems." (Executive summary)
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"The list of terms included in this lexicon, as well as their proposed meaning and contextualization, are not static. Instead, the lexicon is a ‘snapshot’ (in time and space) of how hateful language is used, perceived, and understood by those who contributed to the research process in Ethiopia b
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etween March and September 2020. How these terms are understood — their meanings, usage, and the assessment of their harmful nature — may evolve or change over time. The non-static nature of hateful language is in line with the sometimes abrupt changes that can occur in the context of conflict and the evolution of language over time in any society, including in Ethiopia. There is a significant subjective dimension to hateful language, and context can change the meaning of language used. The results of the research laid out in this lexicon should be approached as such." (Purpose, page 2)
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"As of July 2021, Telegram had 550 million active users worldwide – more than the individual user bases of Twitter, Snapchat or Discord. It is the fifth most-popular messaging app after Facebook-owned Whatsapp and Messenger, and WeChat and QQ which dominate the Chinese market [...] For this paper,
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I looked at Telegram’s policies and functionalities to help understand what made it so attractive to misinformation actors both in the Ukraine, which has a long history of Telegram engagement, and Brazil, Spain and Germany where it has had more of an impact in recent years. According to the journalists and digital researchers I interviewed about investigating misinformation and disinformation on Telegram, there are ways to address the issue, both on and off the platform: by investigating movements and their political or financial interest, by producing more responsible journalism, through clearer communication from governments, and through the continued moderation efforts on other social media platforms." (Pages 7-8)
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"Laying out the core elements of a progressive prevention infrastructure, this paper makes the case for placing human rights as the central goal of prevention work. We highlight both the major damage done to prevention through violations of fundamental rights in the name of fighting terrorism and ex
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tremism, as well as the profound harms to human rights resulting from extremist mobilisation. As such, we argue that preventing extremism – defined in terms of supremacist ideologies which run counter to universal rights – must at its heart be seen as an exercise in safeguarding human rights, rather than merely preventing violence. While focusing on the UK policy context, this paper also takes stock of international developments, including the implications for prevention of an increasingly emboldened, mainstreamed and transnational extremism threat emanating from a broad ideological spectrum in the US, across Europe and beyond." (Executive summary, page 4)
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"Fake News, Hate Speech und Rassismus im Netz: Soziale Medien bieten Menschen und Organisationen auch dafür eine Plattform. Wie kann man gegensteuern und selbst aktiv für Demokratie, Meinungsvielfalt und die Entgiftung des gesellschaftlichen Klimas eintreten? Said Rezek, Politikwissenschaftler und
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Journalist, bezieht seit Jahren als Blogger Stellung gegen Rassismus und Hass im Netz. In diesem Buch vermittelt er das Handwerkszeug dazu: Was macht einen reichweitenstarken Blog aus? Zu welchen Themen und Anlässen lohnt sich die Positionierung? Welche Beitragsformen – z.B. Tweets, Memes, Listicles oder Offene Briefe - kann man speziell in Social Media einsetzen? Wie arbeitet man selbst gleichermaßen rechtssicher und kompetent und schützt sich vor Verletzungen der eigenen Privatsphäre? Das Buch bietet zahlreiche praktische Beispiele, wie, wann und wofür es sich zu bloggen lohnt, um Gegnern einer vielfältigen, friedlichen und demokratischen Gesellschaft nicht das Feld zu überlassen." (Buchrücken)
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"After a recent contested election, the Central African Republic finds itself in a precarious situation. Violence around the election combined with the socio-economic impacts of COVID-19 and destructive flooding have caused the humanitarian emergency to reach its worst state in five years. Meanwhile
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, the CAR government has been accused of engaging in Russian-backed disinformation campaigns targeting domestic civil society, French diplomats and the United Nations peacekeeping mission (MINUSCA), threatening key relationships. Even as the long-simmering issue of hate speech continues to draw fault lines through the country, efforts to combat these campaigns have focused primarily on challenging fake news rather than addressing the underlying fear and prejudice that spoilers use to stoke conflict." (Introduction)
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"Depuis 2014, PeaceTech Lab a entrepris des recherches et travaillé avec des partenaires locaux dans 13 pays pour comprendre la dynamique des discours de haine et le lien entre la prolifération des récits haineux en ligne et les événements violents hors ligne. Cette recherche et les lexiques qu
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i en résultent cherchent à identifier et à contextualiser le type particulier de langage susceptible de provoquer la violence en exacerbant les tensions existantes et en approfondissant les crises en cours au sein des communautés en conflit. Plutôt que d’évaluer l’existence ou la prévalence générale des discours de haine, chaque lexique examine plutôt les termes provocateurs les plus répandus, leurs origines et leur contexte, ainsi que leur utilisation dans le contexte d’un pays particulier. Pour réussir à surveiller et à contrer les discours haineux dans leurs degrés de gravité, nous devons d’abord identifier le vocabulaire le plus couramment utilisé et le contexte social et politique qui rend ces termes offensants, provocateurs ou potentiellement dangereux [...] Comme illustré tout au long de ce document, les discours de haine sont à la fois un symptôme et une cause de ces divisions. Dans le contexte de la réalité actuelle d’insécurité et de conflit en RCA, les discours incendiaires sont utilisés comme un outil pour atteindre des objectifs politiques et matériels. Cela a pour conséquence d’approfondir les divisions entre les communautés religieuses et ethniques, de polariser davantage les opinions et de déshumaniser les groupes ciblés, d’exacerber les sentiments de frustration et de grief et d’abaisser le seuil des actes de violence." (Introduction)
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"Across the case studies we identified three broad categories for the classification of content, which will be unpacked in greater detail in the following section: 1. Instructional material which contains guidance on operational aspects of terrorist and violent extremist activity. This includes guid
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ance on the manufacture and perpetration of attacks, as well as guides on combat drills, fitness and non-violent activism such as sticker campaigning. 2. Ideological material which is designed to specifically further a violent extremist or terrorist world view. This includes key texts and lectures which provide the theoretical underpinning for a terrorist or violent extremist cause, and which provide explanation around why the world is a certain way. 3. Inspirational material designed to reinforce a violent extremist or terrorist mind-set. This includes a wide range of content which is designed to elicit a reaction or response in the radicalised mind. This includes material intended to provoke hatred towards a particular group of people or promote pride and support for a particular cause. Notably, this category of content is the least well-defined in the existing literature." (Page 7)
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"This study examines disinformation and propaganda in war in the age of information particularly through social media. It analyzes Twitter's posts of the Afghan government and the Taliban, from January to March 2018. For understanding disinformation, 952 tweets of both parties were crosschecked with
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four national media outlets and a civilian protection advocacy group; and to recognize how the belligerents tried to present and propagate, their contents were analyzed to identify terms that dominate their outbound information. The study found discrepancy in information disseminated by the warring parties and mainstream media. Terrorism and Jihad were dominant frames of government and the Taliban, respectively. The findings could contribute to a greater body of literature regarding propaganda in operationalization of social media in the conflict zone." (Abstract)
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"This book offers a comprehensive overview and analysis of the Islamic State's use of propaganda. Combining a range of different theoretical perspectives from across the social sciences, and using rigorous methods, the authors trace the origins of the Islamic State's message, laying bare the strateg
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ic logic guiding its evolution, examining each of its multi-media components, and showing how these elements work together to radicalize audiences' worldviews. This volume highlights the challenges that this sort of "full-spectrum propaganda" raises for counter terrorism forces. It is not only a one-stop resource for any analyst of IS and Salafi-jihadism, but also a rich contribution to the study of text and visual propaganda, radicalization and political violence, and international security." (Publisher description)
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"This document presents a vision for a grand, civil societal response to online manipulation: developing the capability to detect it; the coalitions to confront it, the strategies to prevent it, and the structures of cooperation and funding that are needed to do both across all the causes and issues
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that it now threatens to undermine. It is a response that must combine the specialisation and sophistication that comes with scale with those particular strengths that civil society always has: its diversity, transparency, capacity to connect with marginalised voices, and its bedrock of humane and humanising values." (Vision, page 1)
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"Although the Proclamation has good intentions of curbing hate speech in Ethiopia, it fundamentally restricts freedom of expression online and the right to information. Further, the proclamation has a chilling effect on online and offline rights, which could lead to self-censorship. For instance, jo
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urnalist Yayesew Shimelis was on April 21, 2020 arrested for allegedly attempting to incite violence by spreading false information contrary to article 5 of the Proclamation and charged by the high court Lideta branch. The government should accordingly repeal or amend the law to ensure that it promotes an online and offline environment that progressively facilitates the enjoyment of free speech and access to information in line with international and regional human rights instruments." (Page 4)
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"Die Digitalisierung hat nicht nur zu tiefgreifenden Veränderungen der Lebens-, Arbeits- und Wirtschaftswelt geführt, sie hat auch massive Auswirkungen auf die internationale Politik. Diese Auswirkungen, so Yvonne Hofstetter, stellen die Sicherheitspolitik der Staaten vor massive Herausforderungen
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. So haben etwa im letzten US-Wahlkampf die sogenannte Russland-Affäre oder der Skandal um die Datenauswertungen von Cambridge Analytica gezeigt, welch schädlichen Einfluss digitale Techniken auf demokratische Systeme haben können. Diese liefen, so die Autorin, Gefahr, durch autoritäre Akteure mit ihren eigenen Waffen geschlagen zu werden, da der freie Verkehr von Informationen auch zur Manipulation demokratischer Prozesse missbraucht werden kann und überdies sicherheitspolitische Konzepte ins Wanken bringt. So wandelt sich auch die Natur zwischenstaatliche Konflikte in Zeiten von künstlicher Intelligenz, Hackerangriffen und neuen Propagandastrategien. Die demokratischen Staaten, so Yvonne Hofstetter, müssten sich in der digitalen Sphäre wappnen, um Sicherheit, Stabilität und Liberalität für ihre Bürgerinnen und Bürger auf Dauer gewährleisten zu können." (Klappentext)
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"For some users the current Internet epoch can be considered the Internet of Hate which poses serious human rights concerns. Reflecting the scale and seriousness of the problem, innovations in governance tools for online hate have been initiated by national governments, intergovernmental organisatio
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ns and Internet intermediaries across Europe in past years. This study maps, explains and critically evaluates these emerging innovations covering three levels: moderation, oversight, and regulatory level. It reviews whether and how these innovations deliver a victim sensitive approach; uphold human rights including freedom of expression and prohibition of discrimination; and fulfil goals, aims, values and expectations of governmental agencies, Internet platforms, civil society organisations and the general public when it comes to the governance of online hate speech. The study identifies 30 indicators that could assess the success or progress of different governance tools for online hate speech and makes many practical recommendations covering ten key areas." (Back cover)
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"In this paper, we provide recommendations for protecting freedom of expression and opinion and the right to impart and receive information to enable governments to fight the COVID-19 health crisis in a rights-respecting manner. There will be an aftermath to the COVID-19 outbreak and the measures go
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vernments put in place right now will determine what it will look like. The recommendations outlined below will help ensure that the rule of law, and the rights to freedom of expression and opinion, as well as the right to receive and to impart information, are protected throughout this crisis and in the future. Under no circumstances should any government allow people’s fundamental rights to fall victim to this pandemic." (Executive summary)
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"This paper examines online discourse about the White Helmets, a volunteer rescue group that operates in rebel (anti-regime) areas of Syria. The White Helmet’s humanitarian activities, their efforts to document the targeting of civilians through video evidence, and their non-sectarian nature (that
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disrupted regime-preferred narratives of rebels as Islamic terrorists) put the group at odds with the Syrian government and their allies, including Russia. Consequently, they became a target of a persistent effort to undermine them. Disinformation can be defined as information that is deliberately false or misleading. Its purpose is not always to convince, but to create doubt. Bittman (1985) describes one tactic of disinformation as “public relations … in reverse” meant to damage an adversary’s image and undermine their objectives. We argue that disinformation is best understood as a campaign—an assemblage of information actions—employed to mislead for a strategic, political purpose. Prior research and investigative reporting have characterized the campaign against the White Helmets as disinformation, due to its connection to Russia’s influence apparatus, its use of false and misleading narratives to delegitimize the group, and its function to create doubt about their evidence documenting atrocities perpetrated by the Syrian regime and their Russian allies. This research examines “both sides” of the White Helmets discourse—exploring how the White Helmets promote their work and foster solidarity with online audiences through their own social media activity and through episodic attention from mainstream media, and examining how the campaign against the White Helmets attempts to counter and delegitimize their work through strategic use of alternative and social media. We do not make any claims about the veracity of specific pieces of content or specific narratives shared by accounts on either side of this conversation. However, we do highlight how the campaign against the White Helmets reflects emerging understandings of disinformation in this context." (Page 2)
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