"The euphoria that has accompanied the birth and expansion of the internet as a "liberation technology" is increasingly eclipsed by an explosion of vitriolic language on a global scale. Digital Hate: The Global Conjuncture of Extreme Speech provides the first distinctly global and interdisciplinary
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perspective on hateful language online. Moving beyond Euro-American allegations of 'fake news,' contributors draw attention to local idioms and practices and explore the profound implications for how community is imagined, enacted, and brutally enforced around the world. With a cross-cultural framework nuanced by ethnography and field-based research, the volume investigates a wide range of cases-from anti-immigrant memes targeted at Bolivians in Chile to trolls serving the ruling AK Party in Turkey - to ask how the potential of extreme speech to talk back to authorities has come under attack by diverse forms of digital hate cultures." (Publisher description)
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"From August 2020 until August this summer, we recorded almost 800 cases of digital rights violations in eight countries of south-eastern Europe: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Hungary, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania and Serbia. Violations took place not just on TikTok, but also on F
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acebook, Twitter and Instagram and were also spread via Viber and WhatsApp. Our report shows that vulnerable groups, including women, minority groups, LGBT +, Roma and Jewish communities, minors and migrants, are particularly exposed to online attacks. Similarly, political and religious tensions, which still continue to mark the cultural and political life of our societies, also surged, further polarising society. All of this suggests that what happens in the virtual space is not much different from the “physical world”. Ongoing tensions and cultural controversies are simply migrating from one place to another and prevention or protection mechanisms are far from successful. It comes as no surprise that the two most common violations this year were “pressure because of expression and activities on the internet” and “manipulation and propaganda in the digital environment”. Journalists were most frequently the target of online threats in two countries – Serbia and Hungary. In both countries, pro-government social media accounts were involved in smear campaigns against independent journalists." (Foreword, page 4)
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"The Courage Against Hate initiative has been brought together by Facebook for the purpose of sparking cross-sector, pan-European dialogue and action to combat hate speech and extremism. This collection of articles unites European academic analysis with practitioners who are actively working on coun
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tering extremism within civil society. Hate and extremism have no place on Facebook and we have been making major investments over a number of years to improve detection of this content on our platforms, so we can remove it quicker - ideally before people see it and report it to us. We’ve tripled - to more than 35,000 - the people working on safety and security at Facebook, and grown the dedicated team we have leading our efforts against terrorism and extremism to over 350 people. This group includes former academics who are experts on counterterrorism, former prosecutors and law enforcement agents, investigators and analysts, and engineers. We’ve also developed and iterated various technologies to make us faster and better at identifying this type of material automatically. This includes photo and video matching tools and text-based machine-learning classifiers. Last year, as a result of these investments, we removed more than 19 million pieces of content related to hate organisations last year, over 97% of which we proactively identified and removed before anyone reported it to us." (Introduction, page 2)
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"[...] we tried to identify the connection between anti-vax conspiracy theories and antisemitism, and the way they spread on social media. Eight media monitors from Get The Trolls Out! partner organisations in Belgium (Flanders), Belgium (Wallonia), France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Poland, and the
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United Kingdom (UK) monitored Facebook and Twitter in their countries and identified hashtags, private and public groups, and prominent figures who spread misinformation related to COVID-19 and the vaccines. Through these results, they identified antisemitic narratives. The period monitored is from March 2021-August 2021, however, in some cases the period was extended in order to include recent developments. The results of the monitoring exercise are not surprising. Antisemitic narratives are present within anti-vax conspiracies in the countries where monitoring took place. In some countries antisemitism is more subtle than in others, however, it is still part of conspiracist efforts to spread misinformation and fear. One narrative that all countries have in common is an old antisemitic narrative: a group of powerful Jewish people that want to take over the world. In most countries such as Belgium (Flanders and Wallonia), France, Hungary, Germany, and Poland this powerful figure takes the form of philanthropist George Soros or of the Rothschild family, who are generally central figures in antisemitic conspiracy theories. In other cases, those powerful secret figures are not named but implied." (Introduction, page 6)
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"The Syrian media of various types and geographical distribution use hate speech and incitement to Violence disproportionately. The average use of public hate speech in the Syrian media was (17.99%) as a percentage of the monitored content of the study sample, which is considered a low percentage wh
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en compared with the current circumstances in Syria, and in comparison with the results of the previous monitoring round. The highest percentage of using hate speech, according to the media type, was the visual media (TV), as it reached an average of (26.67%) of all the media content it provided. There are variances in the rate of hate speech and incitement to violence in Syrian media according to the geographical distribution. The media outlets operating in the government-controlled territories, recorded the highest rate reaching (22.87%) of all the media content they deliver." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"Selbstmordattentate werden seit jeher von Bildern begleitet und durch diese bestimmt. Von Märtyrerpostern über Videotestamente bis hin zu Computersimulationen und Livestreams vom Tatort - die Bildproduktionen der Milizen sind auf vielfältige Weise an der Tat beteiligt und müssen als Akteure im
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politischen Feld ernstgenommen werden. Verena Straub zeigt erstmals die Geschichte sogenannter Märtyrerzeugnisse auf, die seit den 1970er Jahren in diversen politischen Kontexten operieren. In zahlreichen Falluntersuchungen analysiert sie deren ästhetische und mediale Bandbreite, ihre Handlungsdimensionen und Genderpolitiken, ihre künstlerischen Aneignungen und ethischen Herausforderungen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This groundbreaking collaborative case study is the most comprehensive assessment of online violence against a prominent woman journalist to date. We conducted a forensic analysis of the torrent of social media attacks on internationally celebrated digital media pioneer Maria Ressa over a five-year
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period (2016-2021). Here, we detail the intensity and ferocity of this abuse, and demonstrate how it is designed not only to vilify a journalism icon, but to discredit journalism itself, and shatter public trust in facts. These attacks also created an enabling environment for Ressa’s persecution and prosecution in the Philippines. Now, her life is at risk and she faces the prospect of decades in jail, proving that there is nothing virtual about online violence." (Page 1)
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"The case studies analyzed here show that, in general, the mainstream media does not produce hate speech narratives on its own, but does become a vehicle for carrying them. The greatest producers of hate narratives, division, disinformation, and polarization remain the political actors, partly becau
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se of their pervasive presence in the media and their use of social media. Nonetheless, while online media do not usually start hate narratives on their own, their political alignment and interests lead them to be selective in the information they convey. As a result, it is often the case that the Albanian public receives two or more versions of the same story, contributing, to some extent, to the reinforcement of the existing political and social divisions in the country. Hate narratives towards journalists have intensified in recent years, reflecting a global trend as well as the increasingly harsh rhetoric of the political class against them on some occasions, which has certainly leaked through in the public’s trust and attitude vis-à-vis journalists and the media. On the other hand, hate narratives on migrants are rare due to Albania’s scant experience has in this regard. However, they can be found in various media outlets, with the primary sources being citizens or anonymous, showing that proper reporting on this topic is needed in order to have a more educated public in this regard and face the existing prejudices and stereotypes." (Conclusion)
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"We show that malicious COVID-19 content, including racism, disinformation, and misinformation, exploits the multiverse of online hate to spread quickly beyond the control of any individual social media platform. We provide a first mapping of the online hate network across six major social media pla
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tforms. We demonstrate how malicious content can travel across this network in ways that subvert platform moderation efforts. Machine learning topic analysis shows quantitatively how online hate communities are sharpening COVID-19 as a weapon, with topics evolving rapidly and content becoming increasingly coherent. Based on mathematical modeling, we provide predictions of how changes to content moderation policies can slow the spread of malicious content." (Abstract)
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"In India, religious texts, social customs, rituals, and everyday cultural practices legitimise the use of hate speech against marginalised caste groups. Notions of "purity" of “upper-caste” groups, and conversely of "pollution" of “lower-caste” groups, have made the latter subject to discri
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mination, violence and dehumanisation. These dynamics invariably manifest online, with social media platforms becoming sites of caste discrimination and humiliation. This report explores two research questions. First, what are the specific contours of caste-hate speech and abuse online? Semi-structured interviews with 12 scholars and activists belonging to Dalit, Bahujan and Adivasi (DBA) groups show that marginalised groups regularly face hate and harassment based on their caste. In addition to the overt hate, DBA individuals and groups are often targeted with abuse for availing reservations – a constitutionally mandated right. More covert forms of hate and abuse are also prevalent: trolls mix caste names and words from different languages together so that their comments appear meaningless to individuals who are not keenly aware of the local context. Such hateful expression often emerges as a reaction from “upper-caste” groups to DBA resistance and social justice movements. Our respondents reported that the hateful expression can sometimes silence caste-marginalised groups and individuals, exclude them from conversations, and adversely impact their physical and mental well-being. The second question we explore is how popular social media platforms and online spaces moderate caste-hate speech and abuse. We analysed the community guidelines, policies and transparency reports of Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and Clubhouse. We find that Facebook, Twitter and YouTube incorporated "caste" as a protected characteristic in their hate speech and harassment policies only in the last two or three years – many years after they entered Indian and South Asian markets – showing a disregard for the regional contexts of their users. Even after these policy changes, many platforms – whose forms for reporting harmful content list gender and race – still do not list caste. Social media companies should radically increase their investment and capacity in understanding regional contexts and languages; they must focus on the dynamics of casteist hate and abuse. They will need to collaborate with a diverse set of DBA activists to ensure that their community guidelines effectively tackle overt, covert and hyper -local forms of caste-hate speech and abuse, and that their implementation and reporting processes match these policy commitments." (Eexecutive summary)
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"As highlighted above, the development and refinement of counter-terrorism policies and practices by social media and technology companies has come about as a function of the evolving nature of terrorist and extremist entities’ exploitation of said platforms. The challenges highlighted above, name
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ly, the distinct institutional purposes, the impacts of private companies acting as determinants of freedom-of-expression norms, and the disparate treatment of Salafi-Jihadist content compared with extreme right-wing content are a sample of the kinds of ethical dilemmas that are raised by the changing character of counter-terrorism activity. As these practices continue to evolve, it is important that the state continues to retain its role in expressing and representing community norms and as an accountable actor in the policing of freedom of expression. Ensuring that an increasingly diverse body of extremist content is responded to with equal vigour, and provided with equally limited tolerance, is a key role for the state. The increased presence of private-sector technology companies as controllers and owners of key public and political discourse infrastructure presents a number of substantial risks to the traditional roles that the democratically accountable apparatus of the state played in ensuring civil political discourse was both enabled and protected. As technology plays an increased role in politics and in political discourse, it is essential that the ethical challenges that are raised by these changes are considered and incorporated into policy thinking, both within government and within private-sector technology companies." (Conclusion, pages 125-126)
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"This discussion paper seeks to give an overview of the key aspects that need to be taken into consideration to address the occurrence of hate speech on social media, be it through concrete regulations by social media companies, counter efforts and legislations or preventive educational measures. Th
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e paper is divided into three sections: part 1 focuses on definitions of hate speech and associated legal frameworks, part 2 reviews and addresses tools and techniques for monitoring hate speech online and discusses measurements of the prevalence of online hate speech and part 3 discusses potential counter and preventive measures." (Page 2)
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