"This paper examines digital mobilisation with respect to knowledge production, legitimacy and power in Sudan since new communication and surveillance technologies became widespread. Enthusiasm for digital opposition peaked with the Arab Spring and troughed through the repressive government apparatu
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s. Social media (SMS, Facebook, Twitter) and crowdsourcing technologies can threaten the government’s control over the public sphere as participatory practices. To arrive at this finding, we argue the significance of epistemological tools of those who control the representation of digital power, and approach state legitimacy as an ongoing and fragile process of constructing “reality” that requires continuous work to stabilise and uphold. At the same time, the paper describes an international counterpublic of security researchers and hackers who revealed that the Sudanese government invested greatly in controlling the digital landscape. We analyse Nafeer, a local grass-roots initiative for flood-disaster-relief that made use of digital media despite the digital suppression. Nafeer’s challenge to the state came from the way it threatened the state-monopoly over knowledge, revealing both the fragility and the power of state legitimacy." (Abtsract)
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"Myanmar Media in Transition: Legacies, Challenges and Change is the first volume to overview the country’s contemporary media landscape, providing a critical assessment of the sector during the complex and controversial political transition. Moving beyond the focus on journalism and freedom of th
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e press that characterizes many media-focused volumes, Myanmar Media in Transition also explores developments in fiction, filmmaking, social movement media and social media. Documenting changes from both academic and practitioner perspectives, the twenty-one chapters reinforce the volume’s theoretical arguments by providing on-the-ground, factual and experiential data intended to open useful dialogue between key stakeholders in the media, government and civil society sectors. Providing an overview of media studies in the country, Myanmar Media in Transition addresses current challenges, such as the use of social media in spreading hate speech and the shifting boundaries of free expression, by placing them within Myanmar’s broader historic social, political and economic context." (Publisher description)
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"The media sector in Kyrgyzstan is heavily dominated by the government through both ownership and funding. The government funds a large pool of state-owned media companies, including newspapers, radio broadcasters and the public service operator KTRK. According to our estimates, the government spent
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some US$ 7.6m in the media in 2018, more than 75% of which was accounted for by the state budget allocation for KTRK. On top of that, in a move aimed at gaining loyalty of media outlets, it is believed that the government is using state-owned companies, mainly banks and mining firms, or other public institutions, to fund more media. The value of these contributions is not publicly available. According to our calculations, and interviews with experts and journalists carried out for this report, we estimate the value of government funding in the media to be upwards of US$ 10m, which is equivalent to roughly half the value of the advertising market in Kyrgyzstan. Such an overly dominant position of the government in the media harms the country’s journalism in many ways. First, most of the media that relies on government cash is biased in its reporting. KTRK, one of the most influential broadcasters in Kyrgyzstan thanks partly to its nationwide coverage, is a devoted promoter of state policies and rarely provides alternative points of view. More than a third of KTRK’s airtime is filled with state propaganda, recent studies showed. Second, the government’s intervention in the media has a distorting effect on the market, discouraging investments and stymieing innovation and experimentation. Besides government funding, a major source of revenue for the media is the informal financing, comprising ad hoc contributions made by people or companies to media outlets as a way to buy their allegiance [...] Philanthropy remains the sole source of support for independent media. However, its contribution is a pittance compared to the other sources of media funding. The philanthropy funding in the Kyrgyz media during the past decade, some US$ 6.1m, is less than two-thirds of the state spending in one year alone." (Page 4)
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"In chapter 2, the book lays down its foundations with a review of a large body of experimental psychology research on how and why individuals can preserve their beliefs, sometimes in the face of all evidence, logic, and argument to the contrary. The second part of the chapter shows that millions of
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people do the same in the real world outside the laboratories, whatever the media say [...] Chapter 3 considers political partisanship and party identification - that is, strong attachments to political ideas, values, and organizations. Experiments show that people are likely to engage in belief preservation where partisan opinions are concerned, and the same seems to be true of partisans in the outside world [...] Chapter 4 broadens the scope of inquiry to examine how non-partisanship and non-party political beliefs and values can influence the ways the majoritiy of individuals receive and process news reports and draw conclusions from them [...] The first eight chapters deal mainly with the micro, demand side of the equation - but there is also the macro, supply side of news media systems. Supply and demand are often analyzed separately, although understanding media effects requires examining the interaction between them [...] Chapter 9 compares commercial and public service broadcasting, showing that they have different effects on political knowledge, trust, participation, and democratic support. Chapter 10 turns to the classic theory of news media pluralism as a cornerstone of modern democracy [...] The research strategy of this book involves comparing and contrasting a large number of studies of media effects on political attitudes and behavior in order to compare and contrast the conclusions they reach. The book does not merely traingulate in order to reach reliabe conclusions, but it polyangulates, using many different studies written by sociologists, political scientists, psychologists, and economists who employ a variety of methods to investigate many possible media effects on politics. American and British research is used in the main, but single-country research on Russia, the Netherlands, Canada, France, Italy, Spain, Germany, and Belgium is included, as are comparative studies of European Union member states." (Chapter 1, page 2-5)
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"Drawing on over a dozen new empirical case studies – from Kenya to Somalia, South Africa to Tanzania – this collection explores how rapidly growing social media use is reshaping political engagement in Africa. But while social media has often been hailed as a liberating tool, the book demonstra
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tes how it has often served to reinforce existing power dynamics, rather than challenge them. Featuring experts from a range of disciplines from across the continent, this collection is the first comprehensive overview of social media and politics in Africa. By examining the historical, political, and social context in which these media platforms are used, the book reveals the profound effects of cyber-activism, cyber-crime, state policing and surveillance on political participation." (Publisher description)
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"This rapid literature review will focus on the influence of government communication on the government-media relationship. It does not encompass other avenues through which government is able to affect the media environment such as legislation, public policy and political culture. The role of the p
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ublic media is briefly considered. This rapid literature review was able to find only one study, which examined the role of the government communication on media as part of a broader inquiry on the influence of government communication and public trust in the government of the United States (US) (Liu, Horsley, & Yang, 2012). Liu et al. (2012) found that there was a positive relationship between media interaction and good coverage of the US government. This finding suggests that governments may have an incentive to foster good relations with the media. The other main findings of the review are summarised below: Governments require a positive relationship with the media in order to communicate with the public and build legitimacy for their decisions (OECD, 2016); Media often rely on official government information, especially during war and conflict, and therefore need friendly relations with government to gain access to information (Yuksel, 2013); The engagement between elites, the media and the public is complex and is unlikely to be controlled or dominated by any particular set of actors (Yuksel, 2013); In some countries that were transitioning to democracy, development assistance for media has helped to foster media which is critical of the government, resulting in a tense relationship between media and government (Rub, 1996)" (Summary, page 2)
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"LA hat sich in den vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnten wie nie zuvor mit seiner Medienlandschaft beschäftigt. Von den intensiven, oft auch polemischen Debatten wurden viele Problemzonen des Journalismus auf dem Kontinent angestrahlt: Konzentration, Meinungsmonoronie, Homogenität und Elitendominanz. Dies
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ist auch ein Verdienst jener Regierungen, die um die Jahrtausendwende ihren Aufstieg begannen. Es ist ihnen gelungen, das Thema fest im lateinamerik. Bewusstsein zu verankern, so dass es selbst präsent bleiben könnte, wenn die Politik wieder eine andere Richtung einschlägt und ein Vergessen anstrebt. Beseitigt haben sie die ewigen Schwächen allerdings kaum. In einzelnen Ländern - in Ecuador, besonders aber in Venezuela - ist der Medienpluralismus sogar eingeschränkter. Dass die Massenmedien zunehmend ihre Ausnahmestellung als Agendaserrer und Gatekeeper verlieren, hat weder politische Gründe, noch ist dies ein regionales Phänomen. Fernsehen, Radio und Zeitung hatten für LAs Politiker stets eine fast lebenswichtige Funktion - wenngleich manchmal auch nur die, einen guten Feind abzugeben. Doch das Massenpublikum zerfällt mehr und mehr -und damit auch eine Reihe kommunikativer Gewissbeiten, die lange das Verhältnis geprägt haben. Twitter, YouTube und Instagram, v. a. aber Facebook und WhatsApp sind zu bedeutenden Kanälen aufgestiegen -und sie kosten fast nichts, was auf einem Kontinent mit großer Armut ein immenser Vorteil ist und weiteres Wachstum erwarten lässt. Politiker werden mit ihren Narrativen dorthin wandern, wo ihre Wähler kommunizieren und kommentieren. Insofern dürfte Jair Bolsonaros erfolgreicher Internet-Wahlkampf in Brasilien Nachahmer finden. Rückblickend könnte er einmal wie der Beginn einer Zeitenwende erscheinen, die die Selbsterlösung der Politik aus ihrer Abhängigkeit vom Journalismus angekündigt hat. Kommunikative Hegemonie könnte dann keine Frage von Mediengesetzen oder Kraftproben mit Presse-Imperien mehr sein, sondern eher eine des Kapitals." (Ausblick, Seite 663)
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"Die vorliegende Studie untersucht, welche Rolle Massenmedien in der politischen Transformation im Irak nach 2003 gespielt haben. Dabei diskutiert Anja Wollenberg zunächst, ob und in welcher Weise politischer Wettbewerb, Partizipation, Kritik und Kontrolle von irakischen Rundfunkmedien ermöglicht
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und mobilisiert wurden. Die Untersuchung von klassisch-demokratischen Kernfunktionen wird erweitert um die Frage nach den spezifischen Merkmalen von Öffentlichkeit im Kontext von fragiler Staatlichkeit. Das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Stabilisierung und Demokratisierung sowie die Überlagerung alter und neuer Verhaltensmuster in der journalistischen Praxis rücken damit in den Fokus der Untersuchung." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Eight years after the Arab Spring there is still much debate over the link between Internet technology and protest against authoritarian regimes. While the debate has advanced beyond the simple question of whether the Internet is a tool of liberation or one of surveillance and propaganda, theory an
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d empirical data attesting to the circumstances under which technology benefits autocratic governments versus opposition activists is scarce. In this book, Nils B. Weidmann and Espen Geelmuyden Rød offer a broad theory about why and when digital technology is used for one end or another, drawing on detailed empirical analyses of the relationship between the use of Internet technology and protest in autocracies. By leveraging new sub-national data on political protest and Internet penetration, they present analyses at the level of cities in more than 60 autocratic countries. The book also introduces a new methodology for estimating Internet use, developed in collaboration with computer scientists and drawing on large-scale observations of Internet traffic at the local level. Through this data, the authors analyze political protest as a process that unfolds over time and space, where the effect of Internet technology varies at different stages of protest. They show that violent repression and government institutions affect whether Internet technology empowers autocrats or activists, and that the effect of Internet technology on protest varies across different national environments." (Publisher description)
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"Son cuatro los capítulos que acá se incluyen que reúnen teoría, conceptos, casos, iniciativas, datos, ejemplos y, por supuesto, reflexión y análisis. Los capítulos abarcan: 1. Definiciones sobre Democracia Digital. Se revisa de manera teórica, clara y concisa lo que es la Democracia Digital
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: qué significa, su alcance y cómo afecta directamente a todos. Se explica la importancia de la e-participación y la deliberación en la era digital. El propósito es demostrar cómo Internet y las TIC pueden aportar favorablemente en la consolidación de la democracia. 2. Ciudadanía Digital: empoderamiento y cambio en la era digital. Se define al Ciudadano 2.0 y se exponen los casos emblemáticos en el Perú sobre cómo la ciudadanía se ha adaptado rápidamente a los procesos de digitalización; así como iniciativas que han logrado cambios y resultados importantes en la sociedad. Además, se destaca la importancia de la relación entre el mundo online y offline. 3. La política en tiempos digitales. Se inicia analizando cómo las redes sociales contribuyen a la polarización, a la desinformación y al surgimiento de populismos. Examina las campañas presidenciales de Obama y Trump; así como el papel de los partidos políticos en el Perú. Incluye los esfuerzos que se han impulsado desde el sector público para implementar las políticas referidas al Gobierno Abierto y la apertura de datos, además, de los procesos de digitalización que se han iniciado para lograr una transformación digital en el sector. 4. Gobernanza de Internet y los Derechos Humanos en línea. Se revisan los conceptos relacionados a la gobernanza de Internet, establecidos en la Cumbre Mundial de la Sociedad de la Información de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU). Se hace un repaso a los esfuerzos que ya se han emprendido para proteger los derechos humanos online y otros instrumentos internacionales en el marco de la ONU, Unesco y el sistema interamericano a fin de fortalecer el ecosistema digital." (Página 26-27)
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"The paper begins with an introduction on the media landscape in Senegal and explains how they have today become platforms where citizens can get information and express their views on the implementation and the operationalization of public policies. This paper also elaborates on the challenges that
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hinder the media from effectively contributing to participatory, transparency and accountability from duty bearers. Finally, a set of key recommendations to encourage citizen’s participation in governance processes are given." (Page 2)
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"The paper begins with an introduction on the media landscape in Burkina Faso and explains how they have today become key platforms for citizen-authorities’ engagements - where citizens can express their views and also receive information on the implementation and the operationalization of public
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policies. It also highlights key challenges hindering the media from effectively contributing to participatory, transparent and accountability governance in Burkina Faso and finally makes some recommendations improving the situation." (Page 2)
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"Efforts to fight the spread of disinformation have had mixed results. Self-regulation by online platforms such as Twitter or Facebook puts a great deal of power in their hands, with potentially negative effects on independent news outlets that depend on social media for their outreach. State regula
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tion, meanwhile, raises concerns of censorship. There is a danger that methods intended to reduce disinformation, implemented clumsily or without sufficient regard for their effects, will actually exacerbate the anti-establishment feeling that drives disinformation in the first place. Just as the disinformation problem can, to a great extent, be traced back to wider structural faults in the political system, the solution, too, must be partly structural. There must be a shift in commercial practices to disrupt the commercial motivations driving disinformation, make online platforms more fair, transparent and open, and reduce the pressure on media outlets to compete for attention." (Executive summary)
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"Die Berichterstattung der kasachstanischen Massenmedien über Proteste im Lande folgt einer klaren Linie. Kleinere Proteste werden ignoriert. Wenn über größere Demonstrationen berichtet wird, kommen ihre Vertreter nicht zu Wort und ihre Forderungen werden nicht erwähnt. Stattdessen werden der i
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llegale Charakter der Proteste und das friedliche Verhalten der Polizei betont. So gibt es auf Seiten der Polizei Verletzte, auf Seiten der Demonstranten nur Verhaftete, also potentielle Täter. Gleichzeitig inszeniert sich der Präsident des Landes als Versöhner, der die Polizei mäßigt und einen Dialog anbietet. Das Maximum an innerhalb Kasachstans möglicher kritischer Distanz demonstriert die Wirtschaftszeitschrift Ekspert-Kasachstan. Sie widerspricht aber nicht der offiziellen Linie, sondern verzichtet nur auf ihre Wiedergabe. Ihre distanzierte Berichterstattung ist deshalb ohne Vorwissen nicht einzuordnen. Die vereinzelten kritischen Stimmen bei Wremja und Megapolis gehen in der Menge entgegengesetzter Stellungnahmen ebenfalls unter, wenn nicht von vornherein eine kritische Haltung beim Leser vorhanden ist." (Seite 5)
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"This paper aims at examining how Egyptian popular culture shapes perception of the Israeli – Palestinian conflict through the widespread medium of political cartoons. The paper examines cartoons published in Egyptian newspapers after the American president, Donald Trump, announced in 2017 that th
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e USA move its embassy in Israel to Jerusalem." (Page 2)
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"Social media engagement alone can achieve limited results in promoting public accountability for police misconduct in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda but can and has served as a valuable tool in this endeavour. The percentage of the population in Africa that engages in discussions on social media platfo
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rms about the actions and behaviour of the police is currently small. This number has the potential to grow exponentially over the next decade with advances in mobile connectivity and as the public realise the power of harnessing social media as a tool to promote good governance and demand accountability from government. Social media engagement can facilitate communication between police agencies and the public, allowing for information to flow between these groups. Well-coordinated, strategic social media campaigns by civil society in the countries reviewed can mobilise the public, energise large groups of people and achieve tangible results. Civil society can develop systematic strategies to engage with the police in different ways. These strategies include using positive interactions to build trust and open the lines of communication, and using photographs and videos of specific events and incidents of police misconduct gathered through social media to demand accountability." (Key findings)
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