"Organizations often announce their protest activities prior to their implementation to mobilize awareness, recruit supporters, and receive media attention. We are interested in the effectiveness of protest announcements—that is, under what conditions governments make concessions to avoid having a
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n announced protest take place. Governments assess the costs and benefits of providing concessions by taking into account the level of credible threat of the announced protest and the costs related to concessions. We test these assumptions with a unique data set on protest announcements and concessions in Nepal (2007-2010). Using cross-sectional regressions, we demonstrate that protest announcements by unions, announcements with highly threatening tactics and announcements with minimal demands will bring about concessions from the government. We contribute to the growing literature on different protest tactics by providing systematic empirical evidence, for the first time, on the effectiveness of mere protest announcements." (Abstract)
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"The collusion between the political class and media owners [in Central and Eastern Europe] has reached unprecedented levels, leading to a phenomenon known as media capture, a situation where most or all of the news media institutions are operating as part of a government-business cartel that contro
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ls and manipulates the flow of information with the aim of protecting their unrestricted and exclusive access to public resources." (Back cover)
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"The central focus of this study is the dynamic and complex relationship between elections and (digital) media. This choice of focus is explained by the need to safeguard the integrity and credibility of electoral processes, as well as the role of the news media during election periods, in the face
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of new issues related to the digital environment. These issues include (i) online disinformation; (ii) the digital dimension of the safety of journalists and other media actors, and (iii) disruptive practices in election campaigning and communications." (Introduction)
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"In spite of being one of the poorest places in Brazil, Pernambuco has historically had a combative and awarded local media. Until recently, local reporters had been winning the most important national journalism prizes with inspiring local stories and initiatives. This context has been changing dra
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matically, influenced both by the digital disruption in the media industry and by a “draining” process of the newsrooms. Based on exclusive data collected from media outlets and on interviews, this research shows that the local reporters have been abandoning journalism (a lot of them prematurely) in one of the most impoverished areas of Brazil, where the public surveillance is paramount. These shifts have resulted in serious failings of local newspapers in addressing community information needs. Throughout five chapters, this research describes why, how and under what circumstances many journalists have been swapping newsrooms desks for political cabinets in Pernambuco. The direct effects of this movement are also shown through a comparison of the local media coverage of two remarkable episodes in the Pernambuco political life." (Publisher description)
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"Across Europe there is as yet little evidence to support the idea that increased exposure to news featuring like-minded or opposing views leads to the widespread polarisation of attitudes. Although some studies have found that both can strengthen the attitudes of a minority who already hold strong
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views. Most studies of news use on social media have failed to find evidence of echo chambers and/or 'filter bubbles', where people are over-exposed to like-minded views. Some studies even find evidence that it increases the likelihood of exposure to opposing views. The extent to which people self-select news sources in Europe based on their political preferences, as well as the extent to which news outlets produce partisan coverage, still varies greatly by country. In addition to differences between European countries, comparative research often tends to show that the United States of America has much higher levels of partisan news production, consumption and polarisation, making it difficult to generalise from these findings. There are large gaps in our understanding of the relationship between the news media and polarisation, particularly outside Western and Northern Europe, and particularly concerning our knowledge of new, more partisan digital-born news sources." (
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"In contrast to earlier publications on Chinese propaganda and media, 'Chinese propaganda seducing the world' offers the first comprehensive analysis of propaganda from Mao to today. Here lies the book’s strength. The author, Jeanne Boden, holds a PhD in Oriental Languages and Cultures (Ghent Univ
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ersity), and draws on years of experience studying the complexity of cross-cultural cooperation, in particular, between Europe and China. She has conducted an impressive analysis of more than 2,500 photographs of propaganda in public spaces all over China taken between 1994 and 2018, and, additionally, on other formats like propaganda movies, television programs, and myriad publications. Displayed throughout the book, these materials include gems such as the unique picture taken in Lhasa in 2002 with a Chinese propaganda slogan dating back to 1966–1976 (pp.61), the somewhat surreal Communist Party Theme Park (pp.82), or the striking example of a public humiliation campaign from during the Cultural Revolution that has been turned into a tourist commodity (pp.64). Substantial context is added to the analysis. For example, how “[c]onstruction itself has become a political measure of China’s success and growth and is therefore actively put to use for political purposes” (pp.31), or how “the absence of the idea of privacy in the socialist work unit paved the way for the technologically advanced control seen in China today” (pp.142)." (Review by Jono van Belle in: Communications, vol. 45:1, 2020)
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"Reflecting the remarkable changes in the world of propaganda due to the increasing use of social media, this updated Seventh Edition provides a systematic introduction to the increasingly complex world of propaganda. Viewing propaganda as a form of communication, the authors help you understand inf
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ormation and persuasion so you can understand the characteristics of propaganda and how it works as a communication process. Providing provocative case studies and fascinating examples of the use of propaganda from ancient times up through the present day, Propaganda and Persuasion provides an original model that helps you analyze the instances of propaganda and persuasion you encounter in everyday life." (Publisher description)
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"Nos encontramos ante un hecho incuestionable: desde hace décadas el proceso de concentración mediática es la norma en los estados contemporáneos y el poder político se ve supeditado a las líneas editoriales de los oligopolios mediáticos que tratan de conducir y representar a la opinión púb
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lica desde la opinión publicada. Así, las corporaciones de medios se han convertido en armas de propaganda de un modelo que se resiste al cambio y son el sustento del imaginario imperante en torno a la felicidad proporcionada por el consumo. La ausencia de regulaciones efectivas y la concentración mediática rompe el equilibrio de poderes que define a los sistemas democráticos. Transparencia mediática, oligopolios y democracia ¿Quién nos cuenta el cuento? pretende desvelar esta situación mediante la aplicación del Indicador de Rentabilidad Social en Comunicación (IRSCOM®) desarrollado por Laboratorio de Comunicación y Cultura (COMAndalucía) de la Universidad de Málaga, una herramienta que busca hacer transparente el comportamiento de los medios y permitir la introducción de mejoras mediante el reflejo de sus fortalezas y debilidades, posibilitando asimismo la implementación de políticas públicas eficaces en pos de la transparencia mediática y la rentabilidad social de la Comunicación. La obra acomete en una primera parte el estudio de la situación del mercado de medios radifónicos y de televisión en España y, en una segunda parte, el diagnóstico de situación en buen número de países latinoamericanos y de la Europa mediterránea que permitan la aplicación de este indicador en sus respectivos países. «Relevar los déficits democráticos, resaltar sus fallos normativos y de control, es ya iniciar el camino para la fijación de unas alternativas democráticas en políticas públicas de comunicación." (Prólogo de Enrique Bustamante)
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"This book explores the interplay between government and media drawing on unique evidence from, and in-depth analysis of, four national cases: Finland, Lithuania, Poland and Sweden. Based on the chapters dedicated to each country, five additional chapters address the following cross-national themes:
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government communication, social media, formality/informality in journalist-source relations, mediatisation of politics, and political communication culture. The book reveals what really goes on between the political executive and the media in everyday practices within these countries. First, it uncovers a process of mediated political-cultural change within media-political systems. Second, it illustrates the work- ings of prime ministerial power and communication aides at this apex of political power and the media and those who work there. Third, it examines both the struggle within governing institutions to control the flow of information and the tensions between civil servants and political aides, and takes the reader through the four media-political con- texts rooted in a deep knowledge of these relationships." (Publisher description)
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"Während des kriegerischen Zerfalls von Jugoslawien und der Bildung neuer Nationalstaaten entstand in der Region ein reges Dokumentarfilmschaffen, das sich den dominanten Rhetoriken der Politik entgegenstellte. Anhand dieses Filmkorpus untersucht die Studie die Bedingungen der Filmproduktion und -r
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ezeption vor dem Hintergrund der komplexen politischen Zusammenhänge und fragt nach den Möglichkeiten der gesellschaftlichen Aktivierung. Die Autorin zeigt, wie die Filme mittels innovativer formalästhetischer Strategien die Widersprüche der existierenden Verhältnisse in ihrer unüberschaubaren Vielschichtigkeit aufdeckten und so die Reflexion der Zuschauer*innen anzuregen versuchten. Ihre präzisen Analysen führen sie zu Erkenntnissen darüber, wie politisch-aktivierende Dokumentarfilme eine zukünftige Realität evozieren, die als eine ‹sich formende› gedacht werden muss. Zudem rückt die Studie ein Filmschaffen in den Blick, das bislang kaum die ihm gebührende Aufmerksamkeit erhalten hat." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This thesis examines the dissemination of political information in Iceland through an investigation of three interlinked and under-studied areas of research in the country. The research gaps concern perceptions of routine political news coverage, the politician-journalist relationship, and the impa
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ct of social networking sites on interactions between the public, journalists and politicians, as well as on news coverage of politics. The data in this mixed methods study is comprised of 50 semi-structured interviews with Icelandic politicians and journalists, and survey answers from a representative questionnaire (N= 1,264). In filling these research gaps, the Icelandic case is used to expand existing paradigms. Iceland has been routinely ignored in the comparative political communication literature, and the same goes for other small states. The thesis illustrates how qualitative differences between small and large states open up new areas of investigation. The findings demonstrate that the Icelandic legacy media is perceived to be breaking down and routinely bypassed in political dissemination. The smallness of the Icelandic society means that there is much more direct interaction between politicians, journalists and the public than in larger states. This happens in informal settings offline, as well as online, particularly on Facebook. In order to study these online forms of communication, I show that there is a need to probe the more private avenues, in addition to the public arena. I introduce the concept of a ‘two-level online sphere’ in relation to this. The thesis contributes to theory building by constructing frameworks based on four dimensions of ‘scaled down’ political communication dynamics: 1) offline network density, 2) online network density, 3) mobile multifunctionality, and 4) flexible autonomy. In addition, I show that the Icelandic case can be seen as a ‘canary in the coalmine’ in relation to political communication developments in the larger democracies of the world." (Abstract)
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"Drawing on available data and literature, this paper begins with an introduction on the media landscape in Ghana and explains how the media have contributed to promoting participatory and accountable governance. It further discusses the trends, barriers of media and governance in Ghana and makes ke
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y recommendations on how participatory governance can be improved." (Introduction, page 2)
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"This book illuminates the personal experience of being at the centre of a media scandal. The existential level of that experience is highlighted by means of the application of ethnological and phenomenological perspectives to extensive empirical material drawn from a Swedish context. The questions
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raised and answered in this book include the following: How does the experience of being the protagonist in a media scandal affect a person's everyday life? What happens to routines, trust, and self-confidence? How does it change the basic settings of his or her lifeworld? The analysis also contributes new perspectives on the fusion between interpersonal communication that takes place face to face, such as gossip and rumours, and traditional news media in the course of a scandal. A scandal derives its momentum from the audiences, whose engagement in the moral story determines its dissemination and duration. The nature of that engagement also affects the protagonist in specific ways. Members of the public participate through traditional oral communication, one vital aspect of which is activity in digital, social forums. The author argues that gossip and rumour must be included in the idea of the media system if we are to be able to understand the formation and power of a media scandal, a contention which entails critiques of earlier research. Oral interpersonal communication does not disappear when new communication possibilities arise. Indeed, it may be invigorated by them. The term news legend is introduced, to capture the entanglement between traditional news-media storytelling and oral narrative." (Publisher description)
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"At the heart of the challenges to democracy posed by digital media are three core problems: 1. Platform monopolies: two or three corporations control not only our means of communication, but also the content which is distributed, both of which are core aspects of our democracy. Whilst the market po
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wer and global mobility of these companies make it possible for them to avoid national regulatory measures, either by moving operations elsewhere or simply ignoring them; 2. Algorithmic opacity: algorithmic engines are using huge quantities of personal data to make ever more precise predictions about what we want to see and hear, and having ever increasing influence over what we think and do, with little transparency about how they work or accountability for their impact; and 3. Attention economy: the dominant business model of digital media prioritises the amplification of whatever content is best at grabbing our attention, while avoiding responsibility for the impact that content has on our collective wellbeing and our democracy. The negative impact is brutally clear from both the literature and the world around us." (Introduction, page 14)
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"Las personas basan sus decisiones y participación democrática en la información de la que disponen y si dicha información es deliberadamente manipulada a través del uso indebido de sus datos personales, sus decisiones posteriores podrían no ser genuinas. En el presente documento, los analista
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s de estudios se adentran en los principales elementos que problematizan la relación entre Democracia y Protección de Datos Personales en la era digital, reflexionando acerca de las investigaciones que comenzaron a gestarse desde las ciencias sociales, pero que se traspasaron a los actuales asesores y consultores políticos para que -con evidencia científica- fuese más probable la elección de algún candidato. También analizan el rol decisivo que han asumido los datos personales para que, a través de algoritmos y la integración de un sinnúmero de bases de datos, puedan influenciar las decisiones políticas de los ciudadanos. También indagan en la transformación y adaptación que han asumido los partidos políticos frente a la digitalización para no perder el nexo con la ciudadanía, la identificación de sus necesidades desde el comportamiento social visible, sus deseos y motivaciones, lo que evidencia un cambio de paradigma del control ciudadano. Exploran las herramientas para lograr influenciar las decisiones de los ciudadanos y analizan estrategias para minimizar el riesgo que conlleva la digitalización, actualizando, por ejemplo, la legislación vigente, empoderando a la ciudadanía respecto al uso de sus datos personales y generando un mayor comportamiento ético por parte de organismos o empresas que tratan esos datos personales. Dada la utilidad y los riesgos que se observan en la relación que se establece entre Democracia y Protección de Datos Personales en la era digital, consideramos que es tiempo de ir subsanando los vacíos regulatorios e informar a la ciudadanía sobre los eventuales riesgos que conlleva el desarrollo digital, para que así cada cual pueda disfrutar de sus beneficios y aceptar conscientemente sus riesgos o evitarlos, en la construcción de una sociedad mejor." (Presentación, página 4)
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"European support for democracy is at a crossroads. The next decade will have a major bearing on what democracy means for the European Union (EU) at a time of increasing awareness of fundamental technological change, climate risks, demographic adjustment and power shifts between and within continent
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s. Democratic governance should no longer be taken for granted within Europe or in European foreign policy. Political choices will need to be made that determine how important democracy is for European states and what to do as a consequence. It is with these choices in mind that we embarked, 18 months ago, on a review of European support for democracy. This has included several stand-alone papers on democracy support and numerous multi-stakeholder meetings with academics, activists, civil society, donors, experts, policy-makers and think-tanks. The review looked at what European democracy support has achieved (the past), what can be improved today (the present) and where democracy support should be headed (the future). There were some things we expected to find in this review and there were also some surprises. Democracy offers us the greatest potential for achieving sustainable development, respect for human rights and long-term stability. But democracy is not a perfect political system and can be dominated by powerful interest groups, short-termism, identity politics and the translation of healthy competition into conflict or violence. Today, these challenges are more real than ever." (Executive summary)
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"[...] this pilot study in Siaya County sought to assess what makes for more effective public participation in Kenya. In contributing to a timely policy concern about how to best meet the imperatives/aspirations of devolution, it sought also to address the limited empirical evidence in scholarship a
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bout how to design effective public participation. The pilot study had two operational components, designed to generate new insights into public participation in the context of devolution in Kenya: 1) implementation of an intervention, designed to generate citizen engagement and feed insights from citizen voice into a Country policy process; 2) a study into the intervention, examining the extent to which its distinct elements make it an effective means of providing for public participation with County governments in Kenya." (Introduction, page 4)
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