"In China as elsewhere, netizens have made new demands upon government and challenged conventional media to respond to popular concerns. Established approaches to controlling the media may be otiose; Party leaders are stressing the value of cooperation rather than confrontation and calling for a new
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relationship between media and authority. This article examines how the department of a city government traditionally tasked with controlling the media and shaping opinion is seeking to come to terms with the calls from the centre and, in the process, think up a different kind of relationship with the media. From dealings with press officers over four years, the authors identify a reflective and dynamic response to the present challenges. The respondents speculate that arrangements being put in place to deal with the new media environment may change fundamentally the relationships between authority and citizen, and the authors evaluate this." (Abstract)
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"GISWatch 2012 explores how the internet is being used to ensure transparency and accountability, the challenges that civil society activists face in fighting corruption, and when the internet fails as an enabler of a transparent and fair society. The eight thematic reports and 48 country reports pu
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blished ask provocative questions such as: Is a surveillance society necessarily a bad thing if it fights corruption? And how successful have e-government programmes been in fighting corruption? They explore options for activism by youth and musicians online, as well as the art of using visual evidence to expose delusions of power. By focusing on individual cases or stories of corruption, the country reports take a practical look at the role of the internet in combating corruption at all levels." (Back cover)
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"Improving state accountability is a central preoccupation of development efforts. How individuals and institutions can and do hold governments to account for their actions and decisions differs radically between societies. Furthermore, what accountability actually means can differ greatly from one
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context to another [...] This briefing introduces BBC Media Action’s approach to accountability, with particular focus on empowering individuals to play a role in holding those in power to account. It also describes the development of a framework for understanding and measuring such individual empowerment. The paper then draws on qualitative research conducted in Kenya by BBC Media Action to illustrate the application of this framework and to validate an approach to measuring impact through qualitative and quantitative cross-cultural research. This approach will be used across evaluation of accountability-focused projects." (Executive summary)
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"To deepen our understanding of the relationship between social media and political change during the Egyptian uprising of early 2011, events in Tahrir Square must be situated in a larger context of media use and recent history of online activism. For several years, the most successful social moveme
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nts in Egypt, including Kefaya, the April 6th Youth, and We are all Khaled Said, were those using social media to expand networks of disaffected Egyptians, broker relations between activists, and globalize the resources and reach of opposition leaders. Social media afforded these opposition leaders the means to shape repertoires of contention, frame the issues, propagate unifying symbols, and transform online activism into offline protests." (Abstract)
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"This book focuses on the impact of digital media use for political engagement across varied geographic and political contexts, using a diversity of methodological approaches and datasets. The book addresses an important gap in the contemporary literature on digital politics, identifying context dep
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endent and transcendent political consequences of digital media use. While the majority of the empirical work in this field has been based on studies from the United States and United Kingdom, this volume seeks to place those results into comparative relief with other regions of the world. It moves debates in this field of study forward by identifying system-level attributes that shape digital political engagement across a wide variety of contexts. The evidence analyzed across the fifteen cases considered in the book suggests that engagement with digital environments influences users' political orientations and that contextual features play a significant role in shaping digital politics." (Publisher description)
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"Ruling elites often try to co-opt civil society groups, and in times of political or military crises they can attempt to control the national information infrastructure. But a defining feature of civil society is independence from the authority of the state, even in countries such as Saudi Arabia a
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nd Egypt. And in important ways, digital communication networks are also independent of any particular state authority. What has been the impact of digital media on political communication in Muslim media systems? How have tools such as mobile phones and the internet affected the process of forming political identity, particularly for the young? When do such tools change the opportunity for civic action, and when do they simply empower ruling elites to be more effective censors? In this chapter, we analyze the best available micro-level data on technology use and changing patterns of political identity and macro-level data on networks of civil society actors." (Introduction)
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"This paper documents the effect of Serbian public radio on the voting behavior and nationalistic anti-Serbian sentiment of Croats in Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srijem, a post-conflict region of modern Croatia on the border with Serbia. We find that the exposure to the Serbian public radi
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o convinces some Croats to switch to voting for ultra-nationalist parties from voting to moderate nationalist party. In addition, exposure to Serbian public radio increases the incidence of ethnically-offensive graffiti on public buildings in the center of their villages. The results of a laboratory experiment confirm that Serbian public radio causes an increase in anti-Serbian sentiment among Croats. Our results indicate that foreign media can have substantial cross-border effects in countries characterized by post-conflict ethnic tensions such as Croatia. These findings are likely to apply more generally to areas of past conflict with similar languages and overlapping media markets. This suggests that peaceful relations between neighboring countries depend in part on the content of media programming, and the extent of media overlap. Hence, nation-building efforts implicit in the nationalistic content of the media (in this case, the Serbian radio) can have important spillovers on the persistence of peace between countries." (Conclusion, page 22)
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"Cambodia Communications Assistance Project (CCAP) is a two-year initiative (2012-2013) funded by Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) to contribute to the development of the media in Cambodia. The project is in its initial stage and is being implemented by ABC ID, in collaborati
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on with three Cambodian Government Provincial Departments of Information (PDI) in Battambang, Kampong Cham and Kampot, and the Department of Media and Communication (DMC) at Royal University of Phnom Penh (RUPP). The objective of this research is to provide baseline measures and understanding of the current state of the media in Cambodia, with a particular focus on PDI in Battambang, Kampong Cham and Kampot. These measures will help track progress of the project outcomes and impact over the project lifetime and provide a clearly defined scope for the Cambodia Communication Assistance Project. The research design uses a mixed methods approach with focus group discussions, in-depth interviews and survey questionnaires for PDI staff and directors. This report examines understanding of governance issues within an audience and PDI context and assesses the capacity level of PDI staff and directors. More specifically it seeks to gain knowledge and perceptions on audience understanding of governance, transparency and accountability issues, and to determine audience perceptions on PDI content and issues concerning voice, transparency and accountability. It also assesses PDI knowledge on governance issues and skill development needs at the three targeted provinces. The findings are summarised into three key areas: understanding of governance and audience context from different perspectives; reflections on media environment; and PDI capacity needs assessment. Finally, key considerations are outlined to inform PDI activities and programs related to governance including both training and content activities which can be supported by CCAP." (Executive summary)
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"The article explores the relationship between democratic governance and the free and independent press in The Gambia since the inception of the Gambian First Republic in 1970. It supports the rights-based approach which perceives the issues of democracy, good governance, and a free and independent
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press as related to the concept of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Put differently, a free and independent press is not only a mirror of good governance, but also one of the essential elements of democratic governance. This article represents a modest contribution to the existing literature on the questions of governance, democracy, press freedom and human rights, with particular reference to The Gambia." (Abstract)
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"Revisar cuarenta años de historia de los medios masivos de información en tan breve espacio es sin duda insuficiente, pero lo hacemos considerando que cada vez más alumnos —y en especial tesistas— requieren de información histórica básica para sus trabajos. El propósito de este texto es,
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entonces, fijar hitos para quienes deseen repasar la historia de nuestros medios informativos, no ciñéndose a fuentes únicas sino atendiendo a que existen distintas visiones que no se pueden eludir si la intención es genuinamente académica. Debe advertirse que en un tema tan complejo como la historia de los medios, las clasificaciones y nominaciones son arbitrarias. Los interesados en su estudio deben someterse a ese riesgo. En ese sentido, trataremos de proveer las fuentes de consulta que a nuestro parecer son básicas para acceder a los escenarios, muy complejos, que hicieron posibles eventos tan significativos como la fundación de medios, su desaparición o la influencia que tuvieron en contextos determinados. Se ha venido además insistiendo, en especial en los estudios políticos, en la ausencia de trabajos en nuestro país que se acerquen más y mejor a las relaciones del poder con los medios masivos de información, que son empresas que pugnan por la rentabilidad a la vez que tratan de situarse como promotoras de opinión proclamando una independencia que nunca han tenido." (Página 11-12)
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"Through enhancing reflection on the treatment of cultural diversity in contemporary Western societies, this collection aims to move the debate beyond the opposition between ethnicity and citizenship and demonstrate ways to achieve equality in multicultural and globalised societies." (Publisher desc
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ription)
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"Anfang Mai 2012 wurde Vladimir Putin erneut ins Präsidentenamt eingeführt. Die pompöse Zeremonie unterschied sich nur graduell von seinem ersten Einzug in den Kreml im Jahr 2000. Man glaubt ihn inzwischen zu kennen. Doch Putin ist ein Verwandlungskünstler. Die mediale Inszenierung als omnipoten
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ter Herrscher, Feldherr, guter Zar und Retter seines Volkes verwendet nationale Traditionen aus vorrevolutionärer Zeit. Rückgriffe auf die internationale massenmediale Ästhetik sowie populäre Stereotypen versetzen Putin in die Rolle eines modernen Helden, Sexsymbols, Medien- und Popstars. Die symbolische Politik unter Putin ist im Zeitalter des Politainment angekommen." (Abstract)
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"De Honduras se habla poco, salvo cuando hay huracanes o golpes de Estado. Y de las emisoras populares hondureñas se habla menos, se conoce nada. Por eso, cuando las compañeras y compañeros de Radio Progreso me invitaron a relatar lo que vivieron aquel trágico 28 de junio 2009, no dudé en acept
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ar el desafío. Fui a El Progreso, grabadora en mano, con ganas de escuchar lo vivido cuando los militares, ordenados por el golpista Micheletti, clausuraron la radio. Para mi sorpresa, me contaron de un primer cierre, en 1979, durante los tiempos duros de la Seguridad Nacional. Y me contaron más, de cuando la huelga grande contra las bananeras gringas. Porque Radio Progreso está enclavada en la ciudad que fue el epicentro de esta insurrección sindical que cambió la vida del país. Tenía pocos días y eran muchos los testimonios y las anécdotas. Grabé muchas horas, conversé con casi todos los colegas de la emisora y con algunos antiguos trabajadores. Como siempre pasa, quedaron entrevistas pendientes. Es que la vida nunca cabe en un libro. En el relato hay expresiones muy catrachas que sólo se entenderán en las tierras de Morazán. No hace falta explicarlas. La imaginación es suficiente. Hay diálogos donde no pongo quiénes hablan. Tampoco es necesario. El protagonismo es de todo el equipo de la radio. Radio Progreso lleva cincuenta y cinco años acompañando al pueblo pobre del norte de Honduras, luchando por sus derechos. Cincuenta y cinco años siendo coherente con la revolución del Reino de Dios, la que predicó un tal Jesús de Nazaret, olvidado por tantas iglesias que dicen representarlo. Más de medio siglo. Se dice pronto. Cuando acabé de redactar el testimonio, me vinieron a la mente los versos de Brecht. Me atrevo a glosarlos diciendo que hay emisoras que luchan un día y son buenas. Hay otras que luchan un año y son mejores. Hay las que luchan muchos años y son muy buenas. Pero hay las que luchan toda la vida: ésas son las imprescindibles." (Unas palabras antes, página 3)
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"Following a decade of extensive international involvement and arduous fighting, Afghanistan is currently going through a significant Transition intended to enable Afghans to assume responsibility for their own security, development and governance. In addition to opportunities, this process provides
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significant challenges to the Afghan society and its development partners. This study raises awareness of the role and potential of strategic communications to address some of these challenges and aid Afghanistan’s Transition objectives beyond the timeframe set for 2014. In treatment of this topic, this study provides a theoretical and historical overview of communication for development, Afghanistan’s pre- and post-2001 situation with reference to the use of important channels of modern and traditional communications, and examines pertinent perspectives on the importance of strategic communications, particularly in strengthening Afghanistan’s Transition context. In addition, this study focuses on the contribution of strategic communication in non-security matters, particularly governance and peace promotion, and identifies some major challenges where the potential of strategic communications to contribute has remained underexploited. Drawing on these discussions, the results indicates that, in spite of some measures put to the fore, the Afghan government lacks an overarching strategic communications framework integrating multi-media, multi-outlet and public outreach to help in achieving the Transition goal; a stable Afghan state. Pointing clearly to the need for such an integrated campaign, the dissemination of negative perspectives, such as that suggesting that Afghanistan would collapse after 2004, has given space to insurgents propaganda, a challenge which can be addressed through effective strategic communications. In the conclusions, this study argues on the importance of strategic communications as an strategic tool to aid Afghanistan development agenda particularly in the Transition context and presents some practical recommendations to the Afghan government and its deployment partners for effective use of strategic communications in view of a holistic approach aimed the strengthening development of Afghanistan and particularly the Transition process." (Abstract)
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"This article analyzes the Palestinian sketch comedy show Watan Ala Watar, placing the groundbreaking program in the context of theories of satire, government control, and popular resistance. Detailing the show’s tumultuous relationship with the Palestinian Authority, the article argues that despi
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te publicly supporting Watan Ala Watar so as to create the impression of a liberal media regime, the government ultimately could not accept the existence of uncensored political comedy. However, the article shows that through the use of new media, the program has continued to have an impact despite the government’s refusal to put it on air." (Abstract)
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"This article studies the 2011 Arab uprisings as social movements for political reform and regime change. Social media, particularly Facebook and Twitter, are perceived to be playing a central role in these events, which have even been described as ‘Facebook’ and ‘Twitter revolutions’. Using
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diffusion theory, this article examines the role of social media and the extent to which they can be credited for the emergence and achievement of the goals of the uprisings. It argues that while social media played important facilitation roles in terms of inter- and intra-group communication as well as information dissemination, mainstream mass media are still highly relevant to the process. However, the success or failure of the uprisings largely depends on domestic factors and broader geopolitical contexts. This article demonstrates that the use of social media in the Arab uprisings has significant implications for diffusion theory in terms of contact and identity among the social movements involved." (Abstract)
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