"New fields of action have emerged for those working in Germany’s development cooperation activities that are focused on media. Development cooperation can help new media become an established instrument used by civil society actors who are informed and monitoring political developments. This form
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of citizen journalism promotes political involvement. In addressing new media through development cooperation, it is critical that quality standards of the media are raised through targeted training and professional development for those citizens who create media content. In addition, individual users – the consumers of the information – should be trained to become media competent. In this way, political participation can grow sustainably. One example is support of citizen journalism, an important form of media, particularly in authoritative states. New media can serve not only as instruments but also platforms for a “constructive dialogue” between the state and civil society, creating spaces of interaction that are critical for effective development cooperation. Besides multilateral development cooperation, bilateral development cooperation can create incentives for partners from the private sector to invest more into technology transfer in developing countries, thereby helping to close the digital divide." (Page 2)
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"Contiene, además de un apartado dedicado a revisar los seis años de recorrido del ONADEM, cuatro grandes secciones que cubren las áreas de trabajo del Observatorio en los últimos tres años: el Derecho a la Información y a la Comunicación, el análisis de la calidad de la información period
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stica, el desempeño de los periodistas y la evolución del campo mediático en el contexto de la dinámica política del país. Son trabajos realizados por los investigadores del ONADEM desplegados sobre objetos de estudio nacionales y regionales. El libro busca dar continuidad a uno anterior, Medios a la vista, publicado en 2009, el cual daba cuenta de las principales investigaciones realizadas por el ONADEM de UNIR entre los años 2005 y 2008. En sus seis años de vida, el Observatorio ha realizado más de 60 investigaciones." (Página web UNIR)
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Examines the impact that the rise of digital communications is having on the media, and on human rights activism. The report goes on to explore the main policy issues which must be addressed at the national and international levels to shape an enabling environment. The report combines global level a
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nalysis with a specific focus on eight countries: Argentina, Brazil, Egypt, Kenya, India, Indonesia, South Africa and the United States of America.
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"This article analyzes the transformative Egyptian media landscape that shaped and reflected the equally transformative political landscape that led to Egypt’s historical revolution. It provides an overview of Egyptian media and discusses how that eclectic scene exhibited many paradoxes. It analyz
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es the role of Egyptian media during the 2011 revolution, in which cyberactivism ignited public mobilization, enabled civic engagement, and encouraged citizen journalism. It discusses the post-revolutionary phase, in which Egyptian media are undergoing a restructuring process that mirrors political transformations. It contextualizes the transformations in the Egyptian media landscape within a comparative perspective that highlights the uniqueness of Egyptian media, as well as how and why they defy categorization or dichotomization. It concludes with observations on comparative media research; its applicability, or lack thereof, to the Egyptian media scene; and future expectations from this research in the Arab Awakening and the communication revolution accompanying it." (Abstract)
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Offers a policy-focused overview of the state of online political participatory media in Tunisia, Egypt, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Uganda.
"Focuses on Nkhani Zam'maboma, a popular Chichewa news bulletin broadcast on Malawi’s public radio. The program often takes authorities to task and questions much of the human rights rhetoric that comes from international organizations. Highlighting obligation and mutual dependence, the program ex
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presses, in popular idioms and local narrative forms, grievances and injustices that are closest to Malawi’s impoverished public. Harri Englund reveals broadcasters’ everyday struggles with state-sponsored biases and a listening public with strong views and a critical ear." (Back cover)
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"The starting point of PPTRP has been that real and lasting transparency and accountability are best built from the ground up piece by piece and by ordinary people taking their responsibilities as citizens seriously. It is one of the reasons we subtitled the project and website “Pera Natin ‘to!
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(It’s Our Money!). We wanted to help build public ownership in the issue. Our concern was – and remains still today – that changes introduced at the top by one administration – can so easily be taken away by another unless that change is deeply rooted in the ground and in its people. So we believed- and still believe – that real sustainable change in governance comes only from active and continual participation of citizens. It needs action and engagement at both the national and local level. It needs groups, sectors and communities finding new ways of coming and working together to develop new ideas and build new constituencies and avenues for change. It needs to involve and energise all those hundreds of thousands of honest and professional civil servants across the country who for way too long have quietly despaired going to work each day given the failure of leadership in their own departments and agencies.
All this required and still requires a combined response that uses new thinking and approaches. It required first and foremost the start of a public literacy campaign around public finances since citizens cannot ever hope to adequately monitor or engage in things that they don’t understand. So it was that we built our project equally around information, education, training, capacity building, networking, advocacy and campaigns. So it was that we worked with people’s organizations, civil society groups, media and ordinary members of the public at one and the same time. We figured that everybody had a role to play in building and securing transparency and accountability – and so everybody should get involved.
We started work on a website full of the basics – (www.transparencyreporting.net) accessible and easy to understand information about all aspects of public finance. We assumed little – partly because we knew little ourselves and were learning on the job as we went. We wrote, commissioned and edited material designed to give readers a sense of understanding about how public finances, systems and cycles worked and what kind of issues and problems there were. We tried to identify how and where money was raised and how it was allocated and spent and why and by whom. Invariably it comes down to money. If you can follow the money, you can find the problems and perhaps even help suggest some solutions.
We developed training modules too – modules aimed equally at journalists and activists and ordinary members of the public. And we toured around the Philippines going north and as far south as Tawi-Tawi where we were told few groups ever venture. We encouraged people to report allegations of corruption – but equally we sought out instances of where government was working well and deserved highlighting. It is easy to be negative – but far better to be critically constructive. We received many more allegations than we could investigate – in large part because sources were scared even to follow up and meet with us in confidence. Protection for whistle-blowers remains very much a pressing issue today that needs sorting ...
While all projects must by necessity always remain above the political fray, we were naturally delighted that as things turned out, the new incoming administration made improving transparency and accountability a primary goal. When an initiative finds itself working in support of government policy, it is always easier. So we were delighted to see the issue of political abuse of public projects taken up as were the appointment of some leading proponents of open government to key positions in the administration. We were very fortunate also for the chance to work closely with officials in several key departments and on various initiatives linked to the national budget.
[...] Perhaps one key achievement we might be remembered for, alongside the website which will remain as hopefully a useful resource for those wanting to learn more about public sector finances -- is having set up four local citizen watchdog groups that demonstrate how easy and important it is for ordinary people to get involved and play their part. We hope more groups can follow their lead. People power needs to be much more than a slogan and become a way of life." (Introduction, page 16-19)
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"Divisive debates on what constitutes the Ethiopian nation, how the state should be structured and how power should be devolved, have dominated Ethiopia’s private press since the ruling party, the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), came to power. The press has served as both
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a mirror reflecting these issues and a space for literate elites to engage in political debates. This article analyses the role of the media, and the press in particular, in Ethiopia’s political debates. It also explores how the tenets of ‘‘Revolutionary Democracy’’ have shaped the media. This has polarized Ethiopia’s media, which has been unable to effectively serve as a forum for the negotiation of political power or for reconciliation between divided sectors of society." (Abstract)
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"In order to determine whether men and women have equal opportunities to get their messages across through the media, as they are reflected during the election campaign and the importance attributed to gender equality in the news agenda, a series of quantitative and qualitative variables will be pre
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sented in the following chapters to make possible an objective assessment based on common criteria so that women candidates themselves and the organizations that work on the issue of women’s political participation can design strategies in order to overcome their lack of coverage or the stereotypes that affect them. In addition, these variables have been thought through to help professionals who work in the media to begin to reflect on the causes of this deficit of women in the news, so as to analyse the cultural ‘filters’ they use that are not favourable to gender equality, and to design actions for change geared to more plural and equitable journalism when it comes to gender issues." (Page 12)
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