"In the on-going democratic debate, the Cameroonian media have not played the role of objective mediators. A one-party logic, of which government, opposition and the public are guilty, has prevented Cameroonian multipartyism from addressing the major issue: that of how best to bring about real parti
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cipatory democracy. So far, democracy has served mainly as a face powder, an empty concept or slogan devoid of concrete meaning used to justify reactionary propaganda by the ruling party and its acolytes on the one hand, and revolutionary propaganda by the opposition and some pressure groups on the other. This polarisation in the Cameroonian political arena corresponds to a similar polarisation in the Cameroonian media. One can identify two main political tendencies in the media: first, there are those who argue that all the government does is good and in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the radical opposition is void of patriots and motivated only by selfish, regional, or ethnic self-interests. These comprise the publicly owned, government-controlled electronic and print media on the one hand, and pro-government “privately” owned newspapers on the other. Second, there are those who claim that all the radical opposition does or stands for is in the best interest of Cameroon, and that the government and its allies are only motivated by a stubborn love of power and other selfish pursuits. These comprise the bulk of the privately owned papers. The media are polarised into two diametrically opposing camps, each claiming to know and represent the best interests of the Cameroonian people." (Publisher description)
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"Alternative media have historically been a central force in social change. Kenix argues, however, that they do not uniformly subvert the hierarchies of access that have always been fundamental to mainstream media. In fact, their journalistic norms and routines have always drawn on the professional
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standards of the mainstream. Through comparative analysis Kenix posits the perception of 'mainstream' and 'alternative' as a misconception arguing that they've always existed on the same continuum and continue to converge. Her vision recalibrates the media spectrum. This book examines alternative media while being cognizant that they are not situated completely outside the ideological mainstream, carrying distinctive identities excluded from entrenched, elite systems of power. The alternative media can - and do - construct distinct 'alternative communications' but they do so along a strikingly different continuum than hitherto envisaged. Kenix's text will tease out differences and similarities across a range of media. Examples will be drawn from the UK, US, Australia and New Zealand." (Publisher description)
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"We construct measures of the extent to which the four main newspapers in Argentina report government corruption on their front page during the period 1998–2007 and correlate them with government advertising. The correlation is negative. The size is considerable—a one standard deviation increase
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in monthly government advertising is associated with a reduction in the coverage of the government’s corruption scandals of 0.23 of a front page per month, or 18 percent of a standard deviation in coverage. The results are robust to the inclusion of newspaper, month, newspaper × president and individualcorruption scandal fixed effects, as well as newspaper × president specific time trends." (Abstract)
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"Der gegenüber früheren Auflagen vollständig überarbeitete Band gibt einen Überblick über theoretische Ansätze und Ergebnisse empirischer Forschung zum Verhältnis von Medien und Politik. Außer auf die herkömmlichen Massenmedien richtet sich der Blick auch auf politische Anwendungen und Ein
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flüsse des Internets. Es geht um die Medialisierung der Politik und deren Folgen für die Qualität der Demokratie: Welchen Einfluss hat der Medienwandel auf die 'politischen Funktionen' von Massenkommunikation? Auf welche Weise vermitteln die Medien die politische Realität und wie stellen sie politische Öffentlichkeit her? Wie begünstigen, behindern oder verändern sie das politische Engagement der Bürger und Entscheidungen der politischen Elite?" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The rise of Juan Perón to power in Argentina in the 1940s is one of the most studied subjects in Argentine history. But no book before this has examined the role the Peronists' struggle with the major commercial newspaper media played in the movement's evolution, or what the resulting transformati
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on of this industry meant for the normative and practical redefinition of the relationships among state, press, and public. In The Fourth Enemy, James Cane traces the violent confrontations, backroom deals, and legal actions that allowed Juan Domingo Perón to convert Latin America's most vibrant commercial newspaper industry into the region's largest state-dominated media empire. An interdisciplinary study drawing from labor history, communication studies, and the history of ideas, this book shows how decades-old conflicts within the newspaper industry helped shape not just the social crises from which Peronism emerged, but the very nature of the Peronist experiment as well." (Publisher description)
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"La Comunicación Política en México aborda las formas en que la dimensión comunicativa de la sociedad mexicana enfrenta dos tendencias contrapuestas: las inercias de un sistema político autoritario, y la coexistencia con nuevos valores y significaciones en torno al poder y a la toma de decision
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es, lo que implica una participación política más clara por parte de la sociedad civil. La obra se estructura en torno a tres ejes temáticos fundamentales: la Comunicación Política y los Procesos Electorales; estrategias de Comunicación Política; Comunicación Política y la relación México-Estados Unidos. Los participantes en esta obra son miembros del grupo de investigación en Comunicación Política de la Asociación Mexicana de Investigadores de la Comunicación (AMIC)." (Resumen)
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"In democracies with adjectives, the freedom of press also comes with adjectives." If the political regime is situated between a pure democracy and despotism, the freedom of press is also stuck in an in-between-situation. This statement sums up the results of Marie Soleil Frères empirical analysis
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of the role of media in reporting the election processes in six central African countries (Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo, DRC, Rwanda and Chad) with a long history of violent conflict. By carving out nine major obstacles of the role of media in these elections from the role of the parties' campaign strategies to the dangerous liaison between media and politics, the book describes how and why their role became problematic, and different from the democracy tool kit of international donors. This may not be a new subject, and most of the findings are familiar to readers with an interest in African media. But the empirical rigor and the in-depth analysis of the cases makes the book a good read and a starting point for a new debate on media support in African election processes." (commbox)
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"This article addresses a long-standing question: What are the political consequences of the rise of the Internet and the attendant emergence of netizens in China, particularly in terms of China's democratic prospects? Given the Chinese state's firm control in the realm of traditional media, the Int
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ernet has been expected to bring about political and social change in China since its introduction. Although scholars have had divergent views on what this change might look like, there has been no systematic effort to produce representative evidence to address the debate. Examining a nationwide representative survey data set, this study finds that Chinese netizens, as opposed to traditional media users and non-media users, are more politically opinionated. In addition, they are more likely to be simultaneously supportive of the norms of democracy and critical about the party-state and the political conditions in China, while also being potential and active participants in collective action. This article argues that, despite the competent authoritarian state, a more decentralized media system enabled by technology has contributed to a more critical and politicized citizenry in China's cyberspace. The Internet has made it possible for China's media system to undertake a new, albeit restricted and contingent role as a communication institution of the society. As critical citizenry, China's netizens constitute a new social force challenging authoritarian rule." (Abstract)
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"This book highlights the importance of the news media as watchdogs, agenda setters and gatekeepers for the quality of democratic deliberation in the public sphere. At the same time, it theorizes that the capacity of journalists and media systems to fulfill these roles depends on the broader context
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determined by the profession, the market and the state. Media systems' performance often falls far short of the ideals, as succesive case studies from different world regions demonstrate. Finally, the book asks what policy interventions work effectively to close the gap between the democratic promise and perfomance of the news media as an institution. The final chapter, "Policy recommendations", concludes (page 406): "Interventions include reforms directed at strengthening the journalistic profession, notably institutional capacity building, through bodies such as press councils, press freedom advocacy NGOs, and organizations concerned with journalistic training and accreditation. Other important reforms seek to overcome market failures, including developing a regulatory framework for media systems to ensure pluralism of ownership and diversity of contents. Finally, policies also address the role of the state, including deregulation to shift state-run broadcasting to public service broadcasting, overseen by independent broadcasting regulatory bodies, and the protection of constitutional principles of freedom of the press, speech, and expression." (commbox)
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[...] In dieser Ausgabe von OST-WEST. Europäische Perspektiven nehmen wir die Medien in Europa in den Blick. Wir fragen nach der Macht und dem Einfluss der „vierten Gewalt“, wie die Medien oft genannt werden, in Deutschland, nach den Perspektiven der Medienentwicklung in Mittel- und Osteuropa,
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schauen nach Polen, Bosnien, Rumänien. Ein wichtiger Blick gilt Russland, nimmt sich dort staatstreue Fernsehsender, gezähmte Printmedien und die blühende Vielfalt im Internet vor, die russische Medienlandschaft also. Wir fragen auch nach dem Medienmarkt und der Pressefreiheit in der Ukraine, die von Wirtschaftsakteuren und Politikern in die Zange genommen wird. Zwei Fachleute, aus Polen und aus Deutschland, äußern ihre Gedanken zur Ethik der Medien. Ethik: Das ist angesichts der zu beobachtenden, nicht nur europäischen Entwicklung im Medienbereich ein Thema, das immer mehr an Gewicht und Bedeutung gewinnt. Es kann uns nicht gleichgültig sein, welche Kriterien bei den Journalistinnen und Journalisten leitend oder nicht leitend sind. Auf dem Mediensektor in Ost und West herrscht derzeit das, was die Soziologen die „neue Unübersichtlichkeit“ nennen. Wir versuchen, mit unserem Medium eine Schneise zu schlagen, von der aus man links und rechts in den Wald schauen kann. Wichtig ist und bleibt: Ein Medium ist ein Medium – und nicht, wie ein weit verbreitetes Urteil sagt, die Botschaft." (Editorial)
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"Am 7. März 2010 waren die Irakerinnen und Iraker aufgerufen, ein neues Parlament zu wählen. Einen klaren Sieg gab es für keine der angetretenen Listen. Aus Enttäuschung behauptete dann auch fast jede der ins Parlament gewählten Parteien, betrogen worden zu sein und erhob gegen die anderen Vorw
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ürfe der Behinderung während des Wahlgangs und der Unregelmäßigkeiten bei der Stimmenauszählung. Verschiedene Spitzenpolitiker beschworen das Wiederaufleben der Gewalt zwischen Schiiten und Sunniten sowie Arabern und Kurden, falls nicht - zu ihren Gunsten - Nachauszählungen vorgenommen und die Regeln der Regierungsbildung verhandelt werden würden. Was symbolisch für eine Neuordnung im Irak stehen sollte, bestätigte die ethno-konfessionelle Spaltung der Politik. Dabei setzt die Politik die Medien ein - nicht nur, um dem Volk tagespolitische Entscheidungen zu erklären, sondern auch, um die Bildung kollektiver Identitäten zu unterstützen." (Einleitung)
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"Leading researchers from different regions of Europe and the United States address five major interrelated themes: 1) how ideological and normative constructs gave way to empirical systematic comparative work in media research; 2) the role of foreign media groups in post-communist regions and the e
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ffects of ownership in terms of impacts on media freedom; 3) the various dimensions of the relationship between mass media and political systems in a comparative perspective; 4) professionalization of journalism in different political cultures—autonomy of journalists, professional norms and practices, political instrumentalization and the commercialization of the media; 5) the role of state intervention in media systems." (Publisher description)
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"News and current affairs journalism that purports to be for the public good, and in the public interest, can survive, grow and flourish but not through market forces and new technology alone. To survive, news media will have to adjust and adapt to changes in technology and a harsher commercial envi
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ronment. New ways of ensuring the space for, and independence of, news and current affairs journalism that purports to be for the public good, need to be found to preserve and protect the public interest and encourage a healthy democracy. This is not the same as preserving and protecting news organisations, or even the news, as we know it. In a world of communicative abundance there is, more than ever, a sense that there are many things that news journalism ought to be doing – monitoring, holding to account, and facilitating and maintaining deliberation – but is not doing in a fully satisfactory way, and we neglect this at our peril. To ignore it is to accept that the market can be relied upon to deliver the conditions for deliberative democracy to flourish. However, when markets fail or come under threat, ethical practice is swept aside in pursuit of financial stability. Civil society associations have a key role to play in this extended news environment. They can act as wardens of, and contributors to, news media at local, regional and national levels; they can facilitate deliberation and expand the diversity of views on news platforms, and develop news platforms of their own. They could also provide crucial funding for news organisations or consortia deemed to be operating on a not-for-profit basis. Establishing a more collaborative relationship between news organisations and civil society associations should be encouraged in order to: enable participation; increase effective engagement; expand the public sphere; and enhance democracy. This report recommends a number of ways that civil society associations, media industries and policy-makers can act to achieve these goals. The authors also recommend that the Charity Commission should recognise journalism in the public interest as a charitable endeavour available for charitable status." (Conclusion, page 36)
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"Recent elections show that despite the apparent diversity of newspapers and broadcasters, political and economic constraints, as well as restricted access to information prevent the development of independent media in Sub-Saharan Africa that can play a part in enlightening citizens", says the autho
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r of this policy brief, and concludes: "Donors must pay more attention to local needs and search for ways to strengthen a pluralist media landscape independent of political parties, governments and the international community. Only such a pluralist landscape will enable the media to contribute to realistic opportunities for democratic power alternations rather than allowing an unbalanced electoral game devoted to maintaining the tenure of the same dominant party." (Page 4)
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