"This study examines the Egyptian revolt of January/February 2011 from two discrete perspectives. The first perspective is a contextual marker that takes into account long-term and forecast trends in democracy from 1952 through 2011. The second perspective reports the opinions and viewpoints of Egyp
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tian citizens living in a remote fishing village and resort town through impromptu in-person interviews conducted between 23 and 30 January 2011. The statistical findings evidence that the Internet and mobile phones have helped to facilitate sociopolitical instability and democratic change over time, while the personal interviews paradoxically suggest circumspection in making generalizations about how these events have proceeded across a large population and through a period of tightly suppressed communication when Internet access was shut down. Taken together, characterizing the events in Egypt as having been just a social media revolution therefore appears to misrepresent the evolution of political change in the country through this time period." (Abstract)
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"De forma resumida se puede expresar que la razón de ser del Observatorio de Medios de la UCA es la de una instancia que investiga y opina sobre el comportamiento de los medios en el país bajo la premisa que estos deben contribuir al desarrollo humano y sostenible de este país centroamericano. Pa
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ra la Universidad Centroamericana la libertad de expresión y el derecho a la información son claves para que Nicaragua pueda construir un modelo de nación que le permita desarrollare. La presente publicación recopila parte de las investigaciones que el Observatorio de Medios de esta Universidad Jesuita ha desarrollado en el año 2010 y 2011. La información que se presenta diagnostíca y caracteriza la labor de los medios de comunicación más tradicionales por fiscalizar y comunicar a la sociedad en aquellos temas cruciales de gobernabilidad, corrupción y transparencia. Desde que se creó el observatorio, la intención más importante de investigación ha girado alrededor de estos tres temas que consideramos necesarios para la Gobernanza del país y la construcción de ciudadanía.
El segundo capítulo recoge sendas investigaciones que nos aproximan a las realidades mediáticas vividas en la Costa Caribe del país. Con estos trabajos el Observatorio quiere acercarse a conocer esa parte de los medios del país cuyas prioridades se focalizan dentro de un contexto intercultural muy propio de esa región nicaragüense. El trabajo relacionado a la sociedad civil y los medios nos muestra las expectativas de las organizaciones de la sociedad nicaragüense frente a los medios de comunicación. La investigación da pistas de cómo se podrían facilitar procesos en los cuales los actores de sociedad civil sean constructores de agenda informativa y se apueste por hacer periodismo cívico. El último capítulo brinda una lectura de la labor de los medios de comunicación en contexto electoral. Se aborda la agenda informativa durante las elecciones del año 2011 que resultaron ser muy criticadas por diferentes actores nacionales e internacionales. Este capítulo quiere insistir en la necesidad del debate mediático durante períodos electorales como espacio de diálogo entre los políticos en contienda y la ciudadanía." (Introducción)
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"This report presents an analysis of Iranian public opinion and mood as expressed over Twitter in the nine months following the election. The research represents an initial case study of a novel methodology developed to analyze politically oriented social media content. In addition to policy-relevan
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t findings regarding Iranians’ attitudes toward a variety of topics (e.g., President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, the United States), our methodological approach is described in detail. The results should be of interest to analysts and policymakers concerned with Iranian politics and public opinion in closed societies, as well as social media researchers." (Preface)
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"Der hier vorgestellte Ansatz untersucht die empirischen Leistungen der Medien für die demokratische Freiheit in Gesellschaften mit Hilfe einer Reihe von demokratietheoretisch abgeleiteten Indikatoren. Diese betreffen sowohl die gesamtgesellschaftlichen Medienstrukturen, als auch die konkreten Leis
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tungen einzelner Medienorganisationen. Die empirische Basis bilden Erhebungen aus neun europäischen Ländern und Australien, wobei insbesondere das relative Abschneiden Deutschlands im Vergleich mit den anderen Ländern dargestellt und erläutert wird." (Zusammenfassung)
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"In this fourth issue of the report, we focus on exploring the societal and cultural transformations taking place in the Arab region, influenced by the continuing exponential growth of social media. In this edition of the report we provide regional statistics on more social networking platforms, in
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addition to Facebook and Twitter; including for the first time, analysis on LinkedIn. The findings of the regional survey provided here aims to measure emerging perceptions of social media users in the Arab World on identity and culture, a topic that is closely linked with several critical policy questions in the region, and begs for more research on a regional and individual society levels." (Overview, page 1)
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"The surge in the proliferation of Jordanian private radio stations can be seen as part of the broader expansion of media technologies in the Arab region. However, despite the massive expansion in the number of private sector stations, radio is not currently playing a decisive role in Jordan in incr
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easing political engagement and there is at best a mixed picture for its contribution to an information society. Radio stations are overwhelmingly devoted to apolitical issues and rarely engage people with political and social issues that are important to them. They are also hamstrung by a lack of media professionals. However, a complex picture is emerging in which there are signs of hope. The diversity of stations and audiences presented by radio is key to the role of radio in the Jordanian information society." (Conclusion, page 97)
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"This paper, originally produced in longer format for the World Bank Group, is meant to be a primer on crowdsourcing as an informational resource for development, crisis response, and post-conflict recovery. Inherent in the theoretical approach is that broader, unencumbered participation in governan
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ce is an objectively positive and democratic aim, and that governments’ accountability can be increased and poor performance corrected through openness and empowerment of citizens. Whether used for tracking flows of aid, reporting on poor government performance, or helping to organize grassroots movements, crowdsourcing has potential to change the reality of civic participation in many developing countries. The objective of this paper is to outline the theoretical justifications, key features, and governance structures of crowdsourcing systems, and to examine several cases in which crowdsourcing has been applied to complex issues in the developing world." (Abstract)
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"An extraordinary wave of popular protest swept the Arab world in 2011. Massive popular mobilization brought down long-ruling leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, helped spark bloody struggles in Bahrain, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, and fundamentally reshaped the nature of politics in the region. New media -
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at least that which uses bit.ly linkages - did not appear to play a significant role in either in-country collective action or regional diffusion during this period. This lack of impact does not mean that social media - or digital media generally - were unimportant. Nor does it preclude the possibility that other new media technologies were significant in these contexts, or even that different Twitter or link data would show different results. But it does mean that at least in terms of media that use bit.ly links (especially Twitter), data do not provide strong support for claims of significant new media impact on Arab Spring political protests. New media outlets that use bit.ly are more likely to spread information outside the region than inside it, acting like a megaphone more than a rallying cry. This dissemination could be significant if it led to a boomerang effect that brought international pressure to bear on autocratic regimes, or helped reduce a regimefs tendency to crack down violently on protests. It is increasingly difficult to separate new media from old media. In the Arab Spring, the two reinforced each other. New media must be understood as part of a wider information arena in which new and old media form complex interrelationships. Of the four major Arab Spring protests analyzed - Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Bahrain - large differences were found across the four in the amount of information consumed via social media. The events in Egypt and in Libya (#jan25 and #feb17, respectively) garnered many more clicks on a much larger number of URLs than those in Tunisia and Bahrain." (Summary, page 3)
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"This article explores the links between transnational media flows and social and political change in authoritarian regimes through a conjunctural study of Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), a Burmese exile media organization. Drawing on observation and interviews conducted at DVB's Oslo studio during
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the 2010 elections in Burma as well as documentary research, the article explores how diasporic media may contribute to democratization in a military regime where press freedoms and political expression are severely curtailed. The first section draws on Appadurai's theory of global flows to scrutinize transnational flows of people, capital, media, ideas and technology contributing to DVB's operations from 1992 to 2010. The next section engages with theories of media and democracy in order to examine DVB's innovative satellite television coverage of the 2010 elections. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the ongoing relevance of opposition media based outside of Burma amid liberalization measures undertaken by Thein Sein's nominally civilian government in 2011." (Abstract)
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"In the fall of 2011, Danida commissioned a study with the objective of examining strategic opportunities for using ICT for promoting governance and democratization efforts within development assistance; and exploring opportunities for ICT in the present Danish portfolio of development programs and
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within the vision of the Strategy for Danish Development Cooperation. The study touches on a range of ICT technologies but its focus is the use of mobile phones, including voice calls, SMSText, mobile internet, and social media. This report presents the findings, conclusions and recommendations of the study and falls in 6 chapters: an introductory part outlining study objectives and the methodology applied (Chapters 1-2); a presentation of why ICT is important (Chapter 3); a presentation of ICT case studies from Kenya emphasizing transparency, accountability and empowerment (Chapter 4); a presentation of other donor practices and experiences with emphasis on institutional issues (chapter 5); and a concluding chapter outlining the conclusions/recommendations (Chapter 6)." (Introduction)
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"In Zeiten der Globalisierung, in denen Komplexität und Vernetzung immer mehr zunehmen, sind politische Inhalte und politische Prozesse kaum noch zu durchschauen und die Schwierigkeiten "der Politik" diese zu vermitteln, scheinen zunehmend größer zu werden. Gelingt die Politikvermittlung jedoch n
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icht, besteht die Gefahr, dass die Politikverdrossenheit oder die Politikdistanz der Bürgerinnen und Bürger zunimmt und die Legitimation der Demokratie gefährdet. In diesem Band setzen sich namhafte Autoren mit der Frage auseinander, was sich in demokratischen Systemen geändert hat, so dass die Legitimation der Demokratie durch Politikvermittlung kaum noch bewältigt werden kann. Dabei wird deutlich, dass Politikvermittlung kein einseitiger kommunikativer Vorgang, sondern ein reziproker Prozess ist, an dem eine Vielzahl von Akteuren des politisch-administrativen Systems und des intermediären Systems beteiligt sind. Im Zentrum stehen dabei die Parteien, die Massenmedien einschließlich des Internets und Fragen des Verhältnisses von Politikvermittlung und internationale Beziehungen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Zimbabwean journalists and civil society activists in the diaspora have employed humour not merely to mock or ridicule but to conscientize people, and to raise attention for and awareness of the situation in Zimbabwe, including the social, economic and political realities and everyday life concerns
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and hardships experienced by ordinary people in the country. This article explores how diasporic Zimbabweans have made use of the freedoms in their current locations and of new media and other means to express their dissatisfaction with the Zimbabwean government and the state of affairs in their home country through satire and related forms of political humour. This article focuses particularly on the dissemination of cartoons and satirical messages from liberal host countries through the Internet. It is argued that political humour in the Zimbabwean diaspora has a counter-discursive function and serves as a ‘medium of communicating dissent’." (Abstract)
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"As the oldest surviving privately owned newspaper in Nigeria, the Nigerian Tribune (NT) provides a classic example of how newspapers come to serve a common cause while at the same time projecting the personal ambitions and interests of their founders. This article examines the challenges of private
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newspaper ownership in Nigeria using the NT as a case study. The article is situated within the context of theories on the political economy of media with emphasis on the propaganda model. It argues that in spite of NT’s contribution to the nationalist struggle and the process of nation-building, the newspaper was a potent political weapon in the hands of its owner. The use to which it was put by the successor-owner lends further credence to this claim. The article concludes that among other factors, a combination of dynamism and ideologically driven partisanship is needed to sustain newspapers and improve their effectiveness." (Abstract)
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"Relations between the media and government in Nigeria have historically been conflictual. Nevertheless, the Nigerian media has played important roles in the country’s struggles to free itself from the shackles of colonialism and military rule. A national desire for disengagement from decades of m
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ilitary dictatorship, however, took away the usually critical edge of the Nigerian media once the democratic dispensation got underway. But as the post-transition euphoria gave way to realism, government and media relapsed into their old animosity. This article argues that the initial indifference to certain undemocratic tendencies – especially of the Obasanjo administration in the name of not ‘rocking the boat’ of the new-found democracy – did set a new ambience, resulting in government becoming too sensitive to criticism. The article posits that the initial ambivalence of the media towards the government could have inflicted more harm on the democratic project than good, and was responsible for the manner in which the government responded by the time it regained its critical edge. It contends that the media should at all times remain faithful to its watchdog role, hereby assisting in strengthening the country’s democracy." (Abstract)
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