"The present study is a review of the mission of public service broadcasting in eight countries of the Middle East and North Africa. It examines the books of specifications and the legal frameworks that regulate public broadcasting as well as it looks into the means made available to implement it. F
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urthermore it analyses segments of the programmes to assess the extent to which national television channels actually deliver a mission of public service. The present book represents the synthesis of research work conducted by NGOs and associate experts to the Institut PANOS Paris and to the Observatoire méditerranéen de la communication in all of Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Syria, the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Tunisia. The outcome of this research varies greatly from country to country, whereas in some cases the failure to deliver a mission of public service is obvious, there are also examples of programming that indicate attempts to make some headway towards the ideals of public service broadcasting." (Publisher description)
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"This thesis operates from the observation that "Decolonising the Mind", i.e. a cultural decolonisation process, was needed after the independence of African countries to support and flesh out political decolonisation. Culture, as shown, played a major role in the mobilisation of support for nationa
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list movements, but after independence nationalist culture was just one among many. In both cases presented here, the most pressing issue after political independence was how to deal with the different identities that had previously existed and were onyl partially cushioned by political and cultural nationalism. Now that the political kingdom had been attained, the different language, cultural and political groups started to ask questions about their place in this kingdom. Although many politicians shared the idea that "once you have a national identity, the question of culture becomes something which flows automatically", it soon turned out to be misguided. Media and education were seen to be the major tools in "decolonising the mind". However, a close analysis of the electronic media in the two cases presented here shows that the policies for promoting national unity in programmes were largely ineffective. Instead, radio programmes, both before and after independence, provided a space to negotiate issues of national identity. This space was sometimes more, sometimes less restricted, but listeners used it as much as they could.
Colonial media had, for all their focus on political control and censorship, accompanied and mediated social change. As described, this happened specifically in cultural programmes, where broadcasters were much freer in their work. However, Northern Rhodesian media were supposed to work as a catalyst to further the process of modernisation, and to help its listeners come to terms with the transition from being 'traditional' to becoming 'modern' Africans. In the Apartheid broadcasting system, culture was used consciously to construct a specific 'ethnic' identity, emphasising cultural traditions of the different language groups. But while the intentions were different, both broadcasting institutions were at the centre of negotiating ideas of tradition and modernity.
Both were also established because there was a need to legitimate the respective political system. Be it the Central African Federation or a 'democratic' "South West Africa/ Namibia", the political models promoted by the authorities could not just be imposed on the people. The radios were established to give reality to these constructs, to make listeners identify with a social, political and cultural space that had been defined by colonial authorities. As shown, colonial ideologies not only surfaced in obvious propaganda programmes but also significantly determined the technical and managerial setup of the stations. While radio infrastructure was formed and reformed to structure that space – by linking three territories with different political and social power structures or, following Apartheid ideology, by assigning each language group their own space according to the homeland system – culturally as well as geographically. As shown, infrastructure mirrored the proposed political models, not just in its technical aspects (i.e., the stations' footprints, transmitting posts and frequencies), but also in management structure. As the Federal Broadcasting Services were subdivided in European and African Services, respectively catering for the whole White or Black population of all three territories, the South West African Broadcasting Corporation separated first Black and White, then subdivided the three Departments in the several language Services, each broadcasting to the designated "homeland". This infrastructure not only formed the whole process of programme production and reception but was also part of it as it imparted ideological considerations. The first order of business for independent countries was therfore to restructure the radio according to the needs of the new nations." (Conclusion, page 274-275)
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"Transforming the broadcasting of a country from state to public service is a long, hard and difficult road to travel. It is, however, well worth doing. It cannot be done without the support of the public, the opinionformers and the government, but if these are specifically targeted, it should be po
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ssible to achieve over a number of years. There is no need to be pessimistic about the future of Public Service Broadcasting in the digital age. There is a huge range of broadcasting emerging, ideally with key public service values at the core. PSBs will offer “most trusted” websites, informed blogs, balanced political coverage in the news, and fair election coverage. Because of the range and quality of their programming, Public Service Broadcasting will shine out alongside programming made at low cost for the greatest financial return. At the heart of PSB values is concern for the citizen in all his or her diversity and language competencies: many people will enjoy other offerings but when it comes to a disaster, political upheavals, major national events, or the need for mother tongue content, or even “something different”, it is to the Public Service Broadcaster that they will turn – even in a world of 500 available channels. Through the opportunities offered by digital technology, the Public Service Broadcaster is not only a source of discovery and delight but the route for ordinary people to communicate with leaders in all sorts of fields, and to influence the way things develop." (Conclusion, page 57)
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"This book explores the role of media in democratic societies and specifically that of PSB's in Asia. It presents case studies from Bangladesh, Bhutan, Kampuchea, Hong Kong, India, Malaysia, Macau, Sri Lanka, and Singapore. These studies document the Asian experience in PSB while exploring if there
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is a role that such networks are playing (or can play) in creating a civic conscious society." (Back cover)
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"An in-depth account of EU policies in the area of public service broadcasting, focusing mainly on the application of the European State aid rules. The book discusses when, how and with what impact the European Commission deals with public service broadcasting." (Publisher description)
"Le rapport sur la radiodiffusion publique au Cameroun observe que le pays a fait ses preuves en matière de libéralisation des médias depuis l'aube du millénaire, mais qu'en dépit de ses plus de 80 stations de radio et de ses cinq chaînes de télévision nationales, des problèmes subsistent.
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Le bilan du Cameroun en matière de respect de la liberté de la presse doit être amélioré. Le rapport affirme également que les cadres réglementaires stricts actuellement en place n'encouragent pas un environnement médiatique dynamique et sont loin de respecter les normes et les engagements continentaux auxquels le gouvernement est partie. Le rapport appelle à des réformes urgentes des médias et de la législation, conformément à la Constitution qui, sur le papier, garantit la liberté d'expression et de la presse, mais qui, dans la pratique, contredit ces droits. Le rapport exhorte les décideurs politiques et les législateurs à abroger et à remplacer des lois telles que la loi sur la liberté des communications de masse afin de garantir la liberté d'expression et de la presse, alignant ainsi les politiques médiatiques du Cameroun sur les instruments continentaux tels que la Déclaration de principes sur la liberté d'expression en Afrique". (www.afrimap.org)
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"The report on public broadcasting in Cameroon, observes that the country although has a strong track record of media liberalization since the dawn of the millennium, but despite its more than 80 radio and five national television stations challenges remain. Cameroon’s record of upholding press fr
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eedom needs to be improved. It also argues that stringent regulatory frameworks currently in place do not encourage a vibrant media environment and falls far short of continental standards and commitments, to which the government is a party to. The report calls for urgent media and legislative reforms that conform to its Constitution, which on paper guarantees the freedom of expression and press, but in practice contradicts such rights. The report urges policy and law makers to repeal and replace such laws as the Freedom of Mass Communications law so as to guarantee freedom of expression and press, thus aligning Cameroon’s media polices with continental instruments such as the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa." (www.afrimap.org)
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"This paper documents the effect of Serbian public radio on the voting behavior and nationalistic anti-Serbian sentiment of Croats in Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srijem, a post-conflict region of modern Croatia on the border with Serbia. We find that the exposure to the Serbian public radi
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o convinces some Croats to switch to voting for ultra-nationalist parties from voting to moderate nationalist party. In addition, exposure to Serbian public radio increases the incidence of ethnically-offensive graffiti on public buildings in the center of their villages. The results of a laboratory experiment confirm that Serbian public radio causes an increase in anti-Serbian sentiment among Croats. Our results indicate that foreign media can have substantial cross-border effects in countries characterized by post-conflict ethnic tensions such as Croatia. These findings are likely to apply more generally to areas of past conflict with similar languages and overlapping media markets. This suggests that peaceful relations between neighboring countries depend in part on the content of media programming, and the extent of media overlap. Hence, nation-building efforts implicit in the nationalistic content of the media (in this case, the Serbian radio) can have important spillovers on the persistence of peace between countries." (Conclusion, page 22)
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"Chapter 1 describes the current, critical situation public media finds itself in, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. Twenty years after the regime changes, the current trend in media politics can be best described as a “counter-reformation” rather than a progressive transition. Many publ
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ic media organisations are further away from stable and sound operation than ever, some of them teetering continuously on the brink of collapse. In a mix of cause and effect, this dire situation manifests itself in lack of funding, dearth of status among the public, a creative brain drain and waning program quality, quantity and variety. At the same time, the whole media sector comes under increasing economic pressure that is fuelled by the impact of both digitalisation and a concurrent world financial crisis. In chapter 2 the remit of public media is discussed, with a special emphasis on scrutinising the thesis of universal objectives versus the necessity to provide an acceptable level of programming diversity. Chapter 3 contains the three constitutional pillars of media regulation as identifi ed by the authors: governance, funding and access. The suggestion being that the malfunctioning of just one of these three elements would cause the disintegration of the whole system." (Page 8)
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"A closer analysis of the long and arduous journey traversed by African nationalism often shows ethnicity marching along as an invisible ‘matrimonial’ partner. It is on that note that this article seeks to present South Africa’s project of managing ethnic diversity using public radio broadcast
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ing as new form of cultural ‘holy matrimony’, with its consummation evinced through the implementation of policies that encourage ethnic diversity. The article acknowledges that the re-appropriation of meaning for ethnicity in South Africa now denotes the politically correct and constructed descriptor of ‘culture’, and is characterized by the continued conflation of ethnicity and race relations. Unlike in some parts of Africa, where ethnicity is criminalized as ‘tribalism’ – thus emphasizing its instrumentalized destructive element – in South Africa cultural diversity is seen as the panacea for a stable democratic arrangement. This article proposes to discuss cultural pluralism as a democratic imperative within the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), which is a public service broadcaster (PSB). Two case studies of ethnic minority radio stations will be presented as empirical evidence: Munghana Lonene FM and Phalaphala FM." (Abstract)
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"This book documents the researcher's effort to gain insights on how Thailand's public broadcaster Thai Public Broadcasting Service strategised its civil-society strengthening mechanisms, including creating a television programme called 'TV Jor Nuer', that is produced by and for the citizen journali
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sts. The contents of the programme reflect the needs and tastes of viewers across the 17 northern provinces of Thailand. Research statistics were compiled and analysed in all perspectives to build a database that would explain the model that TV Thai uses to strengthen civic consciousness among its viewers to enhance the station's public broadcasting service function. The book serves as a useful reference for public broadcasters, especially those in the Asia-Pacific region, who wish to engage civil participation to produce content that serves its nation and reflects the needs of its citizens." (Synopsis at AMIC website, 15.12.2011)
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"Diskussionen um den öffentlichen Rundfunk gibt es in der Ukraine schon, seitdem die Unabhängigkeit dieses Staates ausgerufen wurde. Aus ihnen resultierten unter anderem ein verabschiedetes, jedoch nicht umgesetztes Gesetz zum öffentlichen Rundfunk aus dem Jahre 1997, diverse gescheiterte Gesetze
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sprojekte, rund zehn größere Konzepte des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks sowie Dutzende von Artikeln, Tagungen und Seminaren. Und obwohl weitgehend alle Parteien sich das Thema auf die Fahnen geschrieben haben, gibt es im zwanzigsten Jahr der Unabhängigkeit noch immer keinen öffentlichen Rundfunkveranstalter, der die gesellschaftlichen Interessen und Probleme staatsfern thematisiert. Der vorliegende Artikel befasst sich mit den Hintergründen dieses Scheiterns. Dazu finden Sie im Anhang eine Chronologie der wichtigsten Etappen, die auf dem langen Weg zu einem öffentlichen Rundfunk bisher durchlaufen wurden und eine Synopse der wichtigsten Konzepte, die bisher unterbreitet wurden." (Zusammenfassung).
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"The majority of political elites still consider media as a central instrument for manipulating public opinion [...] Fortunately, long-standing debates illustrate that the critical attitude of journalists and civil society organisations has increased through new media developments. The demands for p
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ublic, state-independent broadcasting have been advanced and defended. As the comparison of legislative projects and concepts show, suggestions from civil society organisations have been incorporated over time. Discussions should be continued. They should be designed to involve as many civil society and political groups as well as state actors, especially the Ukrainian President, and convince them of the importance of state-distant public broadcasting. The aim of the talks should be the elaboration of a common denominator." (Conclusion)
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"La comunicación pública es el dominio en el que se inscribe el libro de Ana Paulina Escobar, En medio de un medio público. El Telégrafo, un caso ecuatoriano. Se trata de un dominio especializado sobre el que hay un discurrir de posturas y teorías, las cuales aún merecen un debate, más aún p
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orque el caso sobre el que se discute es el de un diario, El Telégrafo, de larga tradición en el periodismo ecuatoriano, el cual luego fue transformado en un periódico público. Su autora, una periodista que ejerció su labor en El Telégrafo, reflexiona sobre lo que implicó la nueva faceta del diario al calor y abrigo del actual régimen del gobierno del Econ. Rafael Correa Delgado, gestor de un proyecto donde el Estado empezó a tomar las riendas de la comunicación desde una perspectiva que ningún otro gobierno lo había hecho. La reflexión de Escobar tiene al menos tres partes: de un lado, una aproximación a lo que se puede entender como comunicación pública, en especial el periodismo público; de otro, la propuesta estética e ideológica del nuevo Telégrafo; y, por último, lo que la autora considera la crónica de un fracaso." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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