"Just about any social need is now met with an opportunity to "connect" through digital means. But this convenience is not free—it is purchased with vast amounts of personal data transferred through shadowy backchannels to corporations using it to generate profit. The Costs of Connection uncovers
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this process, this "data colonialism," and its designs for controlling our lives—our ways of knowing; our means of production; our political participation. Colonialism might seem like a thing of the past, but this book shows that the historic appropriation of land, bodies, and natural resources is mirrored today in this new era of pervasive datafication. Apps, platforms, and smart objects capture and translate our lives into data, and then extract information that is fed into capitalist enterprises and sold back to us. The authors argue that this development foreshadows the creation of a new social order emerging globally—and it must be challenged. Confronting the alarming degree of surveillance already tolerated, they offer a stirring call to decolonize the internet and emancipate our desire for connection." (Publisher description)
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"While the State has been justifying network shutdowns as matters of “national interests”, it is interesting to note that the effect has been the total opposite. Interviewees in Kashmir and Darjeeling have stated that their mistrust in the Indian government has grown due to these actions. These
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sentiments must be taken seriously and addressed if the authorities’ intentions are truly to protect the autonomy of the country. Network shutdowns cannot be the knee-jerk reaction of administrations at the slightest sign of social unrest. The potential of social media and the Internet instead needs to be harnessed to address these problems. The State should define “national interest” in lucid terms so citizens and law enforcement officials are on the same page. There should be mechanisms in place to hold the State accountable when these definitions are crossed. Shutdowns exclude entire communities from fully participating in social, political, and economic self-determination. This has been especially true during the prolonged shutdown in Darjeeling in West Bengal. The shutdown left residents feeling even more isolated and excluded from the mainstream. Every step they take towards self-determination has been made more difficult, tedious, and expensive." (Conclusion, page 42)
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"This report maps the current landscape in respect of digital rights and online freedom of expression in East, West and Southern Africa. It looks at the trends regarding law and policy developments, as well as recent litigation, within these regions. The report focuses on 18 countries – 6 per regi
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on – and tracks the recent developments that have taken place in these countries. Part I of the report provides an overview of the litigation before the ACHPR and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Court) in respect of freedom of expression. Parts II, III and IV of the report look at the trends generally in East, West and Southern Africa respectively, as well as some of the key legal and civil society actors working on digital rights and online freedom of expression, and include a snapshot of some of the notable developments – both positive and negative – that have occurred in the 18 countries under consideration in this report, as well as reflections on opportunities and challenges for vindicating digital rights within each of the countries. Lastly, Part V considers what the next possible opportunities will be for digital rights and online freedom of expression litigation in the region." (Pages 5-6)
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"Se, num primeiro momento parecia suficiente a oferta do acesso à Internet, hoje sabe-se que o direito à comunicação não será exercido de maneira plena na rede se esta não se mantiver um ambiente diverso e que respeite direitos fundamentais como a liberdade de expressão e a privacidade dos u
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suários/as. Tampouco teremos cidadãos empoderados digitalmente sem políticas públicas e uma regulação da Internet que levem em consideração tais dimensões, ou que resumam os usuários da rede a mero consumidores. As transformações por quais passa a Internet, em vez de ameaçar e retirar direitos, devem, pelo contrário, fomentar o surgimento de usuários conscientes de seu direito à comunicação e a um uso pleno da rede. Cada ser humano tem habilidades, objetivos e gostos específicos. Logo, as formas de aprender e praticar conhecimentos são diferentes, o que vale para a forma como lidamos com o universo digital. Defender uma internet livre, aberta, plural e para todos/as mostra-se, assim, uma tarefa essencial de quem defende o direito à comunicação no mundo contemporâneo. Sem ela, tal direito seguirá sendo sistematicamente violado e seu exercício, também em ambiente digital, limitado por interesses políticos e econômicos dos Estados e das empresas." (Conclusão, página 12)
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"Como recomendações à reversão do atual processo em curso e para o respeito à legislação para a Internet em vigor no Brasil, sobretudo o Marco Civil da Internet, propomos: A inclusão do modelo de regime público para a prestação do serviço de conexão à Internet, especialmente na presta
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ão de serviço no atacado; A criação de um modelo de plano básico, com preço, velocidade, franquia e qualidade adequados, para que a construção de redes, com recursos públicos, represente ampliação do acesso a todos/as; A separação funcional ou estrutural dos serviços prestados na camada de rede do serviço de conexão, para fins de regulação e incentivo à competição; O investimento na Telebras e a retomada de sua atuação baseada no interesse público e não apenas na rentabilidade econômica; A adequação do modelo de TACs para garantir oferta em áreas de menor interesse econômica; Criação de um fundo garantidor para pequenos provedores de Internet com recursos públicos; Redução da carga tributária incidente sobre o serviço de conexão à Internet; Criação e fortalecimento de instrumentos de transparência, fiscalização das políticas públicas e participação social." (Conclusão e recomendações, página 53)
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"In our increasingly digital environment, it is of paramount importance that citizens be in possession of a legal and digital identity if they are to access digital government services and participate fully in the digital economy. In 2018, of the 175 countries with a national ID (foundational or leg
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al identification) system in place, 160 have a system that is at least partially e-ID. However, even in these countries a significant portion of the population still do not have a national ID and over a one billion are still “invisible”, lacking all proof of legal identity. In some countries around the world, significant progress is being made to remedy this, building on established practices and often using the Subscriber Identity Module (SIM) registration, “Know-Your-Customer” (KYC) processes and mobile devices as a foundation. “Digital Identity in the ICT ecosystem: An overview” sets out clearly the different elements in this complex and unfolding landscape. It defines digital identity, provides an overview of the various types of digital identity systems, looks at different approaches taken and the range of challenges being faced, as well as opportunities that arise from using digital identity platforms." (Executive summary)
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"The study consists, essentially, of two main parts. The first part represents a compilation of country reports for each of the Council of Europe member states. It presents a more detailed analysis of the laws and practices in respect of filtering, blocking and takedown of illegal content on the int
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ernet in each member state. For ease of reading and comparison, each country report follows a similar structure (see below, questions). The second part contains comparative considerations on the laws and practices in the member states in respect of filtering, blocking and takedown of illegal online content. The purpose is to identify and to attempt to explain possible convergences and divergences between the member states’ approaches to the issues included in the scope of the study." (Introduction, page 6)
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"En redes públicas, de trabajo o proveedores en algunos países bloquean determinados sitios web con propósitos asociados a la censura de ideas o información. Los bloqueos procuran restringir el acceso. Los sitios web siguen activos y mantienen la información que pretenden censurar." (Introducci
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ón)
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"The first part of the study focuses on the EU’s internal policies in the field of online content regulation. Drawing on case-studies of three EU directives – Directive 2000/31/EC on e-commerce, Directive 2011/93/EU on combating the sexual abuse and sexual exploitation of children and child porn
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ography and Directive 2004/48/EC on intellectual property rights enforcement – the study seeks to illustrate how dealing with alleged illegal content through blocking, filtering and take-down of content within co- and self-regulatory frameworks shaped around ‘Internet intermediaries’ challenge freedom of expression and information. The directives presuppose, accept or encourage self-regulation and, combined with schemes of limited liability, subject the intermediaries to an increasing pressure to implement public policy in the online domain. However, these practices and their limitations to freedom of expression are rarely framed as human rights issues, nor do they have the required safeguards. Based on analysis of the EU directives, the study explores the weaknesses – seen from a human rights perspective – of the European approach towards tackling illegal content on the Internet. The study provides a number of suggestions to ensure that the EU addresses the human rights implications of co- and self-regulation, including the strengthening of safeguards and guidance for Member States and intermediaries to implement the said EU policy. Also, the study calls for a comprehensive EU freedom of expression and information framework, covering both its internal and external policy. In line with this, the EU should consider the freedom of expression and information implications of current and new policies when reviewing them according to the Digital Single Market Strategy.
The second part addresses the external policies of the EU with a focus on the protection and support of Human Rights Defenders using digital means (‘Digital Defenders’). For this purpose, EU policies and instruments of relevance for Digital Defenders are analysed, including the implementation of the Internet Freedom Strategy and the No Disconnect Strategy. The programmes under the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights are reviewed with respect to their relevance for human rights activities online, taking into account the recent EU Guidelines on Freedom of Expression Online and Offline. This part of the study also explores the related issues of the safety of journalists (which are often citizen journalists), export control of surveillance technology by the EU Member States and the cooperation with other international organisations active in the field of online rights. Proposals are offered on how to improve the general environment for Digital Defenders and their right to freedom of expression and information, and how to improve the coherence of EU action in this field. The newly created Human Rights Defenders Mechanism can play a pivotal role in this regard, as could updated EU Guidelines on human rights defenders." (Executive summary)
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"In this special edition of GISWatch, Unshackling Expression, APC brings together analysis on the criminalisation of online expression from six Asian states: Cambodia, India, Malaysia, Myanmar, Pakistan and Thailand. While the report mostly focuses on criminalisation, curbs placed on expression usin
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g laws, regulations and policies are also discussed in parts. These countries were chosen for closer study based on preliminary assessment. These six states have several socio-political characteristics that are similar and varied. They have largely similar legal systems, since India, Malaysia, Myanmar and Pakistan are former British colonies and follow the commonwealth system. These countries were also chosen keeping in mind sub-regional balance and to bring to the table a diverse experience with laws and violations. All these states, amongst many others, criminalise online expression for a variety of reasons, which they set out in their constitutions and legislations. In these country reports, the authors identify and analyse the reasons for which online expression is criminalised, from defamation to sedition, hate speech to blasphemy, national security to contempt of court." (Page 5)
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"Civil society groups from the Global South are leading the charge to advocate for an Internet that remains open, pluralistic, and democratic. The nine case studies highlighted in this report demonstrate various ways groups in different countries have successfully fought for policies and norms that
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strengthen Internet freedom and digital rights. These strategies include awareness-raising, nonviolent direct action, regional and international coalition-building, and strategic litigation." (Key findings)
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"Revelations on mass online surveillance and regular reports on abuses of the rights to privacy and free expression clearly show the need to effectively protect human rights on the net. The Council of Europe works with governments, the private sector, civil society and other actors to shape the Inte
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rnet as a safe and open environment where freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and association, diversity, culture and education can flourish. In line with its overall mission, the ultimate aim of its Internet-related action is to protect and promote human rights, democracy and the rule of law." (Page 2)
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"Zunehmend ist es nämlich nicht mehr die Frage „Was wird verbreitet?“, sondern die Frage „Was wird gefunden und kann verarbeitet werden?“, die über die Vielfalt der von uns wahrgenommenen Inhalte entscheidet. Vordergründig ist die Zahl der zur Verfügung stehenden Informationen ins Unerme
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ssliche gestiegen. Dort, wo früher teure und begrenzte Verbreitungswege zum Nadelöhr wurden und nach Spielregeln verlangten, dominiert heute die Grenzenlosigkeit des Netzes mit seinen letztlich unendlichen Ressourcen. Die Intermediäre, die hier den Nutzerinnen und Nutzern bei der Orientierung helfen, beurteilen Relevanz nicht mehr allein nach der gesellschaftlichen Bedeutung der Inhalte, sondern messen Relevanz primär an den spezifischen Interessen des einzelnen Nutzers bzw. der Nutzerin. Dennoch haben die Intermediäre mit ihren Leistungen auch einen mittelbaren Einfluss auf gesellschaftliche Kommunikationsprozesse. Wer über Algorithmen, Empfehlungen oder redaktionelle Kuratierung den Wahrnehmungshaushalt der Bürgerinnen und Bürger mitgestaltet, der trägt daher auch demokratische Verantwortung. Hier geht es nicht um düstere und netzkritische Verschwörungstheorien, sondern um Spielregeln für die strukturbildenden Angebote der öffentlichen Kommunikation, um die Stabilisierung von berechtigten Erwartungen, damit das nötige Vertrauen entstehen kann." (Vorwort, Seite 5-6)
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"The 45 country reports gathered here illustrate the link between the internet and economic, social and cultural rights (ESCRs). Some of the topics will be familiar to information and communications technology for development (ICT4D) activists: the right to health, education and culture; the socioec
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onomic empowerment of women using the internet; the inclusion of rural and indigenous communities in the information society; and the use of ICT to combat the marginalisation of local languages. Others deal with relatively new areas of exploration, such as using 3D printing technology to preserve cultural heritage, creating participatory community networks to capture an “inventory of things” that enables socioeconomic rights, crowdfunding rights, or the negative impact of algorithms on calculating social benefits. Workers’ rights receive some attention, as does the use of the internet during natural disasters. Ten thematic reports frame the country reports. These deal both with overarching concerns when it comes to ESCRs and the internet – such as institutional frameworks and policy considerations – as well as more specific issues that impact on our rights: the legal justification for online education resources, the plight of migrant domestic workers, the use of digital databases to protect traditional knowledge from biopiracy, digital archiving, and the impact of multilateral trade deals on the international human rights framework. The reports highlight the institutional and country-level possibilities and challenges that civil society faces in using the internet to enable ESCRs. They also suggest that in a number of instances, individuals, groups and communities are using the internet to enact their socioeconomic and cultural rights in the face of disinterest, inaction or censure by the state." (Back cover)
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"The African Declaration on Internet Rights and Freedoms was drafted by African civil society organisations to guide the creation of a positive, rights-based and democratically governed Internet policy environment in Africa. The initiative is part of a rich heritage of freedom of expression advocacy
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by civil society in Africa and also builds on the continent’s innovative and inclusive approach towards the development of human rights instruments, first pioneered by the drafters of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa. This brief aims to provide an overview of how the Declaration can spur the development of rights-based Internet policy regimes in the region. It is designed primarily for use by African civil society advocates and digital rights defenders who are seeking to engage with the wider Internet policy stakeholder community within their own countries and regions." (Pages 4-5)
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"The scale of the Internet’s underworld is immense. The number of non-indexed web sites, known as the Deep Web, is estimated to be 400 to 500 times larger than the surface web of indexed, searchable web sites. And the Deep Web is where the dark side of the Internet flourishes. While there are plen
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ty of law-abiding citizens and well-intentioned individuals (such as journalists, political dissidents, and whistleblowers) who conduct their online activities below the surface, the part of the Deep Web known as the Darknet has become a conduit for illegal and often dangerous activities. This policy brief outlines what the Deep Web and Darknet are, how they are accessed, and why we should care about them. For policymakers, the continuing growth of the Deep Web in general and the accelerated expansion of the Darknet in particular pose new policy challenges." (Summary)
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"The fundamental problem with cyber surveillance, even for the most well-intentioned governments, is that laws have not evolved with the technology. Governments must enforce the laws that exist and apply them to the modern age. And they should consider that just because technology makes surveillance
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possible doesn’t mean it makes it necessary or justifiable in all cases. The best one can hope for is international adoption of a set of standards, and the use of those standards by international monitoring organizations to apply pressure on authoritarian governments to meet them." (Conclusion)
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