"El presente informe detalla la información aportada durante la audiencia regional temática "Afectaciones al derecho a la libertad de expresión por medidas estatales de censura en las Américas" liderada por 25 organizaciones de la sociedad civil durante el 190° Período Ordinario de Sesiones de
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la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (en adelante, “CIDH” o “la Comisión”). Las 25 organizaciones de la sociedad civil trabajan en siete países de América Latina: Argentina, Brasil, Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, México y Nicaragua. En distintos niveles, cada uno de estos países ha enfrentado en la actualidad o historia reciente contextos de limitación al ejercicio de los derechos fundamentales de libertad de prensa, libertad de expresión, el acceso a la información y el derecho a defender derechos humanos en relación con tales derechos. A pesar de las diferencias de contextos, hemos verificado una misma hoja de ruta diseñada y ejecutada para socavar la participación pública y la difusión de información relevante sobre los poderes públicos. Son estrategias de censura indirecta que se identifican y sirven a prácticas autoritarias que debilitan a los sistemas democráticos. En este contexto de mayor tendencia hacia gobiernos antidemocráticos, se evidencian tres tipos de censuras indirectas que generan preocupación y agudizan la amenaza de ejercicio libre de libertades básicas en un Estado democrático: i) estigmatizaciones; ii) formas de control social facilitadas por las nuevas tecnologías con capacidad de vigilancia; iii) la judicialización de la libertad de expresión sobre asuntos de interés público." (Introducción)
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"This paper focuses on the (in)direct tools of governmental bureaucracy used to control journalistic work in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). It calls for understanding media capture not only through structural-level consequences, but also through the methods used to create an environment of inst
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ability and unsafety. To make sense of these processes, and how they are experienced and negotiated by journalists, this paper combines scholarship on the emotional labor of journalism with scholarship on processes of media capture in deeply restrictive environments. The mixed-methods approach aims first to uncover structural conditions of media capture in the KRI through a document analysis of 21 public reports published by the Kurdistan Journalists’ Syndicate (KJS) and the Metro Center for Journalists’ Rights and Advocacy (MC) between 2014 and 2020. Second, it aims to reveal how journalists and editors-in-chief from diverse media organizations manage and negotiate these chronic conditions of precarity and instability, through 15 semi-structured in-depth interviews. The results show multiple strategies that have been developed by journalists and editors to mitigate or acclimate direct and indirect bureaucratic violence (e.g., editorial support, socialization skills and networks, understanding of unspoken and unwritten rules, etc.)." (Abstract)
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"This report highlights numerous troubling developments in Turkey’s media landscape. Distrust in the media has reached crisis proportions, with fully 70 percent of Turks viewing the media as dishonest. These doubts have formed the backdrop for rapid shifts in how Turks access political news and in
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formation, as citizens turn toward online outlets and social media platforms that are more independent of government control but are themselves often rife with misinformation. Such changes have created an increasingly fragmented media landscape, in which Turks of different political parties, ages, and regions are consuming news from very different sources. Unfortunately, many of these sources are unreliable, and none enjoys trust across the political spectrum. The political repercussions of these trends will deeply affect both Turkey and its Western allies. Indeed, these same challenges, including distrust of the media and severe political polarization, are afflicting numerous other NATO countries, from Poland to the United States. The growing prevalence of misinformation may further aggravate partisan divides and weaken accountability. Already it has undermined Turkey’s response to the coronavirus pandemic." (Page 16)
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"Pervasive media censorship in China is often seen as a strictly political issue. Although in past years reporters have had leeway to report on economic issues, the Chinese Party/state has moved to tamp down economic journalism, even arresting those who report on bad economic news. This shift brings
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to the fore an issue long ignored by social scientists – economic censorship. Economic censorship takes place when state-owned enterprises (SOEs) or large private companies pressure the state to censor negative reports or directly pay off media companies to quash such reports in favor of more positive ones. Such economic censorship distorts markets and shifts investor money away from new market entrants and towards large, well-resourced and well-connected SOEs. Using a database of Chinese newspaper articles from 2004 to 2006 and a separate database of newspaper articles, blog posts and micro-blog posts from 2010, and supplemented by secondary sources, this paper examines how media coverage is distorted by censorship and corruption to the benefit of China’s entrenched interests. In particular, I find that private and provincially owned companies receive much more press coverage than do their central government (SASAC) owned equivalents, controlling for a number of factors." (Abstract)
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"A newspaper’s printers, transporters, distributors and retailers are rarely named in its masthead or credits, but they are all essential links in the long and complex press distribution chain. Without them, readers would not be able to access news each day, week or month and they would be denied
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access to diverse sources of information, essential nourishment needed to feed minds in a democratic society. Press freedom is based not only on the ability of journalists and their news organizations to work without constraint or fear, but also on the freedom to circulate the product of their work. A publisher’s financial health must be preserved, printers must be free to print whatever newspapers they want, and finally, whether state-owned, privately-owned or cooperative, distributors must distribute all print media, regardless of their nature, with the same diligence and impartiality throughout the country. Any interference or any impediment in to this process limits the public’s access to information. According to a survey by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) in more than 90 countries, 68% of cases of obstruction in the circulation of newspapers are attributable to governments and state authorities, while 41% of cases of newspaper censorship take place at the point of sale. Until it reaches the hands of its readers, a newspaper continues to be vulnerable, and the predators of press freedom are infinitely imaginative. Entire newspaper issues are confiscated as they come off the press or are bought up from newsstands, content is surreptitiously substituted, crippling import duties are introduced and orchestrated shortages in essential raw material such as newsprint all take place. Using these methods, if the individual, group or government hasn’t prevented a journalistic investigation or silenced the journalist, they still have many ways to block information during the dissemination process. The methods of censorship range from the most obvious and brutal – for example, killing a newspaper seller who is shouting out a headline – to the most insidious. It sometimes takes time, but the control that an oligarch or government exercises over the print or distribution sector may allow them to get rid of an unwanted publication discreetly and definitively. In an increasingly digital world where the print media is in continual decline — it lost an average of 10% of its readers and advertising income in 2017-2018 — newspaper printing and distribution sectors are more and more vulnerable to pressure. Because of this, it is imperative to expose and make public the practices that threaten our fundamental freedom to be informed." (Foreword)
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"We present a classification of the types of censorship of media to frame the various issues that journalism and freedom of expression face in Mexico, which mainly include the role of the State in preventing or enforcing censorship, the monopoly of a few corporate groups that control most of the mas
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s media and dictate fixed editorial lines throughout all of them, the effect of violence on journalism and the issues that are emerging around the freedom of expression in social media." (Abstract)
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"The main goal of the 2017 Soft Censorship report is to show how massively uneven the playing field has become for the various players. What remains at this point is only seemingly a market, in reality the enterprises with ties to the government operate in a whole different framework and logic than
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the independent media companies. Certain aspects of the report might sound familiar based on our previous reports: Every year since we started this report we have reviewed the Media Authority’s frequency tender practices, the trends in state advertising spending and the ownership structures in the media. A whole new aspect of our report is the look at the revenue side of the Hungarian media ecosystem, which serves to analyse the behaviour of commercial advertisers and advertising agencies." (Introduction)
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"The independence and pluralism of Bulgaria’s media has eroded steadily over the past decade. The downward spiral in media freedom that threatens to drown public debate on important policy issues is unrestrained since 2006, when the country was ranked 35th on the Reporters Without Borders Index. N
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ine years later, Bulgaria has fallen to 106th place [...] Bulgarian authorities are increasingly employing tools of “soft censorship” to dominate the country’s media and narrow public access to information and informed policy debate. This analysis defines official “soft censorship” or indirect censorship as any of an array of official actions intended to influence media output, short of legal or extra-legal bans, direct censorship of specific content, or physical attacks on media outlets or media practitioners. These indirect forms of censorship include selective media subsidies and partisan allocation of advertising, as well as biased application of regulatory and licensing powers that can influence editorial content and affect media outlets’ viability." (Executive summary)
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"Ugandische Eliten erwarten von Journalisten zu Wahlzeiten eine positive Berichterstattung. Kritik und Hinterfragung von Standpunkten werden nicht gerne gesehen. Die übermächtigen Ressourcen der Herrschenden werden dazu eingesetzt, diese Erwartungen zu erfüllen. Dementsprechend können Journalist
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en ihre Selbstverständnisse nicht realisieren, sondern passen sich den Erwartungen an. Diese Masterarbeit macht deutlich, dass die derzeitigen Strukturen des ugandischen Mediensystems das journalistische Können und damit die Medienfreiheit einschränken. Deshalb muss auch von staatlichen Akteuren oftmals kein direkter Druck durch polizeiliche oder juristische Verfolgung erzeugt werden. Der derzeitige Zustand der Arbeits- und Ausbildungsbedingungen, sowie die Eigentumsstrukturen reichen zur Disziplinierung aus." (Fazit, Seite 100)
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"Following the abortive July coup in Turkey, the government has accelerated and intensified a crackdown on independent media which had already been underway for more than a year. Under the state of emergency declared in the aftermath of the coup attempt, the government has closed down independent me
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dia organizations and arrested scores of journalists, effectively decimating the free and independent media community, an essential pillar of any functioning democracy. Silencing Turkey’s Media documents five important components of this crackdown on independent domestic media in Turkey: 1) the use of the criminal justice system to prosecute and jail journalists for terrorism, insulting public officials, or crimes against the state; 2) threats and physical attacks on journalists and media organizations; 3) governmental interference with editorial independence and pressure on media organizations to fire critical journalists; 4) the government’s takeover or closure of private media companies; and 5) restrictions on distribution, fines and closure of critical television stations. The report shows how the media crackdown has not only targeted media and journalists associated with the Gülen movement, which the government alleges was behind the July coup attempt, but also pro-Kurdish media and independent voices critical of the government such as the newspaper Cumhuriyet and its journalists." (Back cover)
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"Montenegro’s government should support openness and informed debate in making and implementing public policy decisions. Instead, information concerning matters of public interest is often withheld or distorted by government and by pliant media outlets favoured with official assistance. State fund
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ing and selective advertising are used to reward positive media coverage, and withheld to punish media outlets that question official policies or practices. This soft censorship is quickening an already serious erosion of the independence of the many Montenegrin media outlets for which state funding is necessary for survival. It embeds self-censorship, and has further polarized media coverage and encouraged poor quality journalism that is of little service to public discussion and diminishes media credibility overall." (Conclusion, page 19)
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"A principal challenge to independent journalism is the symbiotic relationship between the ruling party and many media outlets and their owners. Examples on both the national and local level are described in this report. Government-friendly outlets are bolstered by various means, particularly non-tr
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ansparent allocation of advertising and other official funds, generating an environment where partisan political and business interests set media agendas and directly shape reporting." (Executive summary)
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"Official “soft censorship” (or “indirect government censorship”) describes an array of official actions intended to influence media output short of legal or extra-legal bans, direct censorship of specific content, or physical attacks on media outlets or media practitioners [...] A crucial f
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irst step in battling soft censorship is recognizing and exposing its existence. Investigations and analyses by media, civil society groups and academics are now using corporate reports, public documents, freedom of information requests, and wide-ranging interviews to reveal the extent of soft censorship in several countries. These findings are being transformed into advocacy that demands full transparency and fairness in allocation of all public funds for advertising and media support." (Abstract)
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"This report focuses on six types of media outlets based outside mainland China that together reach news consumers in dozens of countries: major international media; local outlets in Asia, Africa, and Latin America; mainstream media in Hong Kong and Taiwan; exile Chinese outlets providing uncensored
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news to people in China; and media serving Chinese diaspora communities around the world. In many cases, Chinese officials directly impede independent reporting by media based abroad. However, more prevalent–and often more effective–are methods of control that subtly induce self-censorship or inspire media owners, advertisers, and other international actors to take action on the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) behalf. The interviews and incidents analyzed in this study suggest a systematic effort to signal to commercial partners and media owners that their operations in China and access to Chinese citizens will be jeopardized if they assist, do business with, or refrain from censoring voices the CCP has designated as politically undesirable. These efforts–ranging from discreet to blatant–are successful in some cases, and encounter significant pushback in others, with journalists and activists at times scoring important victories. But whatever the outcome of each contestation, the “China Factor” is palpably present." (Executive summary)
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"Angolas Medien werden weitgehend von der Regierung kontrolliert. Mit dubiosen Firmen, die aus dem Nichts entstehen, ermächtigt sich die regierende MPLA kritischer Privatmedien und bringt sie auf Linie. Ausnahme ist allein die Zeitung Folha 8, die ihre Unabhängigkeit wahren konnte." (Seite 22)
"State capture is slowly but surely enveloping Hungarian media, principally through the “soft censorship” of financial incentives and influence that affect media otlets’ editorial content and economic viability. Allocation of state advertising spending is opaque and unfair; it is based on the
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political leanings of particular media outlets, and this distorts market competition significantly. Biased advertising spending influences editorial policies in an indirect way, creating a newsroom atmosphere in which editors accept and journalists practice self-censorship. Market competition among media agencies is clearly distorted by the biased award of state contracts. Legal regulations and financial practices of Hungary’s current public-media financing permit improper state influence over public media and fail to comply with European Commission requirements regarding state support for public-service media." (Key findings, page 6)
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"This report demonstrates the soft censorship and corrupting influence that unconstrained official advertising exerts on Mexico’s media. These practices negatively impact media quality, limit freedom of expression, violate the right to public information, and stifle public debate that is essential
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to democracy. Mexico’s governments and some media outlets continue to preserve this symbiotic status quo that serves their economic and political interests. The country’s political leaders and some media owners must be made accountable for such abuses. Until these practices are changed, many Mexican media will remain tools of politicians and special interests, rather than independent watchdogs and platforms for democratic debate." (Conclusion, page 31)
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