"This report focuses on six types of media outlets based outside mainland China that together reach news consumers in dozens of countries: major international media; local outlets in Asia, Africa, and Latin America; mainstream media in Hong Kong and Taiwan; exile Chinese outlets providing uncensored
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news to people in China; and media serving Chinese diaspora communities around the world. In many cases, Chinese officials directly impede independent reporting by media based abroad. However, more prevalent–and often more effective–are methods of control that subtly induce self-censorship or inspire media owners, advertisers, and other international actors to take action on the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) behalf. The interviews and incidents analyzed in this study suggest a systematic effort to signal to commercial partners and media owners that their operations in China and access to Chinese citizens will be jeopardized if they assist, do business with, or refrain from censoring voices the CCP has designated as politically undesirable. These efforts–ranging from discreet to blatant–are successful in some cases, and encounter significant pushback in others, with journalists and activists at times scoring important victories. But whatever the outcome of each contestation, the “China Factor” is palpably present." (Executive summary)
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"This report demonstrates the soft censorship and corrupting influence that unconstrained official advertising exerts on Mexico’s media. These practices negatively impact media quality, limit freedom of expression, violate the right to public information, and stifle public debate that is essential
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to democracy. Mexico’s governments and some media outlets continue to preserve this symbiotic status quo that serves their economic and political interests. The country’s political leaders and some media owners must be made accountable for such abuses. Until these practices are changed, many Mexican media will remain tools of politicians and special interests, rather than independent watchdogs and platforms for democratic debate." (Conclusion, page 31)
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"Das Fernsehen ist für die Menschen in Russland die wichtigste politische Informationsquelle. Nach einer kurzen Periode der Freiheit Anfang der 1990er Jahre ist es erneut zum zentralen Pfeiler geworden, auf den die Staatsorgane ihre Macht stützen. Die drei größten Kanäle Perwyj Kanal, Rossija u
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nd NTV werden landesweit kostenlos ausgestrahlt und gehören entweder direkt dem Staat oder kremlnahen Oligarchen und Konzernen. Die Monopolstellung der staatlichen Sender stützt sich auf ein noch aus sowjetischer Zeit stammendes Übertragungssystem, das fast alle Haushalte des riesigen Landes erreicht. Unabhängige Medien, die sich mit teilweise scharfer Kritik an den Machthabern profilieren, erreichen hingegen nur einen sehr geringen Teil der Bevölkerung. Auf dem Fernsehmarkt ist dies einzig der Privatsender TV Doschd, der sich im Dezember 2012 vergeblich darum bemühte, in das landesweite Übertragungssystem aufgenommen zu werden. Er ist nur über einige Kabelnetze und Satelliten sowie über das Internet zu empfangen. Online-Angebote wie die von TV Doschd oder der kritischen Internetzeitungen lenta.ru und gazeta.ru erreichen weniger als ein Prozent der Bevölkerung. Ähnliches gilt für die im Ausland bekannte kremlkritische Zeitung Nowaja Gaseta und den Radiosender Echo Moskwy. Solange diese Medien nur ein begrenztes Publikum erreichen, liegt ihre Existenz im Interesse des Kreml: Sie können im Ausland als Beleg für die Medienfreiheit angeführt werden, im Inland wirken sie als Ventil für Unzufriedenheit und Kritik. Zur gleichen Zeit versorgen die kremlfreundlichen Nachrichten der staatlichen Fernsehsender die Bevölkerung mit der offiziell genehmigten Version dessen, was in Russland und der Welt passiert." (Zusammenfassung)
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"The mechanisms of state media funding in Serbia are used as indirect, and usually not easily visible, “soft censorship.” Soft censorship is used to promote positive coverage of - and to punish media outlets that criticize - officials or their actions. State funding of media is unregulated, unmo
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nitored, and not transparent. State funding is estimated to comprise 23 to 40 percent of the real value of Serbia’s overall advertising market. Direct state subsidies made to state-owned media that receive great amounts of state media assistance are drastically undermining free competition in Serbia’s media industry and hindering development of a free, independent, and pluralistic media." (Key findings, page 6)
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"State capture is slowly but surely enveloping Hungarian media, principally through the “soft censorship” of financial incentives and influence that affect media otlets’ editorial content and economic viability. Allocation of state advertising spending is opaque and unfair; it is based on the
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political leanings of particular media outlets, and this distorts market competition significantly. Biased advertising spending influences editorial policies in an indirect way, creating a newsroom atmosphere in which editors accept and journalists practice self-censorship. Market competition among media agencies is clearly distorted by the biased award of state contracts. Legal regulations and financial practices of Hungary’s current public-media financing permit improper state influence over public media and fail to comply with European Commission requirements regarding state support for public-service media." (Key findings, page 6)
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"At an international level, the media development community should advocate for standards governing media cross-ownership limitations, best practices in media licensing, and the licensing of the broadcast spectrum. States should adopt net neutrality and support increased uncensored access to social
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media and Internet news sources. They should scrutinize media ownership sales and declare non-transparent sales of media companies illegitimate and make their ownership visible. Media owners, governments, and media development funders and practitioners must modify the belief that advertising will always automatically support independent media. It won’t. It is not in any advertiser’s business model to underwrite news reporting; first and foremost, it is their fiduciary duty to build their own customer bases. If that means redirecting marketing strategies to more effective platforms, they will. And they have. The media development community should commit to aggressively accelerating the financial management, business, advertising, and digital media skills of media managers, particularly in transitional countries. When entering transitional markets, media outlets should first conduct audience research to establish a baseline for advertising rates. Cronyism and coercion lack force when advertisers, particularly large international advertisers, are given legitimate choices among alternatives. Media developers should support independent community and investigative reporting, especially local radio, through multiple funding sources, including helping to build local revenue bases, even if they exist outside traditional media business models." (Recommendations, page 31)
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"China’s television sector has undergone rapid transformation since the country’s reform and opening-up in the late 1970s. This article presents the main results of a recently completed PhD project, aiming to understand the role of the Chinese party-state in this transformation. The project supp
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orts global transformation theories and develops a three-tier analytical framework to assess (1) the transformation of television governance by the party-state; (2) the impact of party-state policies on Chinese television; and (3) the interplay of party-state policies with other power factors. The findings suggest that the transformation of Chinese television has undergone three stages – internationalization, transnationalization and renationalization – in accordance with the changing role of the Chinese party-state under globalization. The study complements global transformation theories in presenting evidence from a transitional Communist country to show that the (party-) state not only remains a key actor for globalization, but has itself also undergone profound changes in response to it." (Abstract)
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"En este trabajo han sido señalados aspectos puntuales que muestran el deterioro de la posición de los medios de comunicación frente a las esferas de decisión política ligadas al oficialismo [gubernamental]. La posibilidad de informar pluralmente es viable cuando las condiciones económicas, ju
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rídicas, políticas y hasta de seguridad personal, no constriñen ni presionan a los profesionales y empresarios de la comunicación. Pese al reconocimiento de tales condiciones en el Perú, quizá será necesario no solo un orden institucional que permita otros márgenes de acción a los periodistas y empresarios de la comunicación. Dado el desempeño de los medios de comunicación en la campaña [electoral] del 2000, deberán invertir tiempo, recursos y esfuerzo en ganar o recuperar la credibilidad o el prestigio que tuvieron antes de abril del 2000. La inexistencia de tarifas y criterios claros de colocación de publicidad y la postura excluyente de tres canales de televisión de señal abierta favorecieron la candidatura oficialista. Debido a la recesión económica y la estructura de costos de producción los canales de televisión han entrado en una situación financiera muy crítica, y la suma de sus deudas es similar a los ingresos totales que han percibido en 1999. Quienes cobran son principalmente la SUNAT [= autoridad tibutaria peruana] y el Seguro Social y esos pendientes han debilitado la posibilidad de un mínimo equilibrio político en los medios de comunicación." (Conclusiones, página 187-188)
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