"By day, Julia Ebner works at a counter-extremism think tank, monitoring radical groups from the outside. But two years ago, she began to feel she was only seeing half the picture; she needed to get inside the groups to truly understand them. She decided to go undercover in her spare hours – late
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nights, holidays, weekends – adopting five different identities, and joining a dozen extremist groups from across the ideological spectrum. Her journey would take her from a Generation Identity global strategy meeting in a pub in Mayfair, to a Neo-Nazi Music Festival on the border of Germany and Poland. She would get relationship advice from 'Trad Wives' and Jihadi Brides and hacking lessons from ISIS. She was in the channels when the alt-right began planning the lethal Charlottesville rally, and spent time in the networks that would radicalise the Christchurch terrorist. In Going Dark, Ebner takes the reader on a deeply compulsive journey into the darkest recesses of extremist thinking, exposing how closely we are surrounded by their fanatical ideology every day, the changing nature and practice of these groups, and what is being done to counter them." (Publisher description)
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"The new militant movement in Kashmir, which began with Burhan Wani in the southern areas, has escalated the conflict in the Valley. While militancy is not new in Kashmir, the Pulwama attack put the conflict back on the radar of the international community. This paper examines the changing nature of
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militancy in Kashmir, specifically with regard to training, recruitment patterns and the use of social media, public support for militants, and an apparent ideological drift. The paper identifies four new variables that have changed the contours of militancy in Kashmir, further complicating the security threats to the Indian state." (Abstract)
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"Social media platforms are taking down “terrorist and violent extremist content” more and more quickly, often in response to the demands of governments, but in a way that prevents the content from being used to support investigations into serious crimes, including war crimes. “Video Unavailab
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le”: Social Media Platforms Remove Evidence of War Crimes, examines the value of social media content in human rights investigations and the impacts that content takedowns are having for international and national investigators, civil society organizations, and the media. Human Rights Watch is calling for a broad consultative process with all relevant stakeholders, including social media companies, to develop a mechanism to preserve potential evidence of serious crimes that was posted publicly online and make it available to support national and international prosecutions, as well as investigations by civil society organizations, journalists and academics." (Back cover)
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"Data, including information collected by the MERIT project, demonstrates that social media and social messaging are powerful tools in Mali, and have the potential to both positively and negatively impact society, particularly in relation to violent extremism. Malian youth use social media and messa
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ging as a means of communication and information sharing on various topics. According to the youth respondents, confirmed by external information sources, violent extremist groups use the same types of social media both to collect and spread information, as well as to attract attention and support (including financial resources). Social media channels enable violent extremist groups to quickly and cheaply spread their propaganda among young people, who may be a vulnerable target because of their age, socio-economic situation and other contingent vulnerabilities. Because social media platforms are used by both the youth community and violent extremists, social media is a key means to either fuel or reduce violence in the country. It is therefore paramount for all users, from authorities to communities, to be aware of the risks and benefits that modern digital technologies can yield in preventing and countering violent extremism, and to be trained on the best ways to use these channels in a positive manner while preserving their security. The data collected and analysed provide valuable insight for future initiatives in Mali aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism. Further attention should be paid to the key role that youth can play as the main user community and, at the same time, as a potential target of extremist and terrorist groups. In this regard, training efforts should strengthen youth’s media literacy, by focusing on the risks implied in the use of media and by respecting and reflecting the specificities of the local contexts in which the different tools and platforms are used. Innovative approaches should be explored and enhanced in the attempt to develop effective alternatives and counter narratives, based on the fundamentals of media literacy." (Conclusions, page 13)
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"Extreme, anti-establishment actors are being characterized increasingly as ‘dangerous individuals’ by the social media platforms that once aided in making them into ‘Internet celebrities’. These individuals (and sometimes groups) are being ‘deplatformed’ by the leading social media comp
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anies such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube for such offences as ‘organised hate’. Deplatforming has prompted debate about ‘liberal big tech’ silencing free speech and taking on the role of editors, but also about the questions of whether it is effective and for whom. The research reported here follows certain of these Internet celebrities to Telegram as well as to a larger alternative social media ecology. It enquires empirically into some of the arguments made concerning whether deplatforming ‘works’ and how the deplatformed use Telegram. It discusses the effects of deplatforming for extreme Internet celebrities, alternative and mainstream social media platforms and the Internet at large. It also touches upon how social media companies’ deplatforming is affecting critical social media research, both into the substance of extreme speech as well as its audiences on mainstream as well as alternative platforms." (Abstract)
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"Rechtsextremistisch, antisemitisch oder rassistisch motivierten Anschlägen fielen seit 2019 in Neuseeland, den USA, Norwegen und Deutschland 86 Menschen zu Opfer. Die Täter verbindet nicht nur ihr Hass, sondern ebenso ihre Radikalisierung im Internet. Sie alle fanden zuvor in einschlägigen Foren
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Gleichgesinnte und Ansporn, ideologische Substrate für ihr Weltbild, aber auch Anleitungen zur Herstellung von Waffen. Bei dem Anschlag auf die Synagoge in Halle hatte sich der Attentäter für eine Online-Übertragung der Tat ausgerüstet – sie öffentlich sichtbar zu machen gehört, so der Tenor des Buches, zum Kalkül eines speziellen, ausschließlich männlichen Tätertypus. Im realen Leben sei er (selbst)isoliert, aber virtuell und global bestens vernetzt. In Anlehnung an die Strategien, die Codes und Ziele einschlägiger Computerspiele inszeniere er den Terror und biete ihn einem gleichgesinnten internationalen Publikum dar. Das Weltbild dieser Täter sei antisemitisch, rassistisch und misogyn, zugleich vielfach von Selbstmitleid, gekränkter Männlichkeit und Selbsthass bestimmt – das Ventil, mit diesen Affekten fertig zu werden, finden sie in imaginierten oder auch realisierten Gewalttaten. Die Autorinnen und Autoren beleuchten Motive, Sozialisation und Selbstinszenierung der Täter und fragen, welche Verbindungen zwischen der virtuellen Radikalisierung und den realen Gewalttaten von Rechtsterroristen bestehen. Ein eigenes Kapitel befasst sich zudem mit der Rechtslage gegen Hass im Internet." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Focusing predominantly on efforts countering Salafi-Jihadi extremism, this book examines how feasible it is to prevent or counter radicalization and violent extremism with countermessaging efforts. It investigates important principles to consider when devising such a program. The authors provide bo
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th a comprehensive theoretical overview and a review of the available literature, as well as policy recommendations for governments and the role they can play in counter-narrative efforts." (Back cover)
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"Die unterschiedlichen Quellen des Judenhasses finden mit den medialen Möglichkeiten des 21. Jahrhunderts einen nie gekannten Resonanzboden, der Anonymität wahrt und Reichweite ermöglicht. Latente und virulente antisemitische Stereotype werden mit aktuellen Bezügen aufgeladen und verstärkt. Mon
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ika Schwarz-Friesels auf breiter Datenbasis erstellte Studie zeigt das wachsende Ausmaß der teils abgrundtief hasserfüllten antisemitischen Kommunikation im digitalen Zeitalter und analysiert Formen ihrer sprachlich-medialen Verbreitung. Sie fordert angesichts eines letztlich faktenresistenten antisemitischen Vorurteilssystems eine engagierte Aufklärung über die kulturhistorischen und alltagskulturellen Zusammenhänge des Judenhasses und eine Gesellschaft, die sich dem tradierten und instrumentalisierten Antisemitismus entschlossen entgegenstellt." (Klappentext)
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"Die Propaganda der terroristischen Miliz "Islamischer Staat" hat für Aufsehen gesorgt und die Debatte um das Internet und vor allem das "Social Web" als Risikotechnologie oder Gefahrenraum mitbestimmt. Dabei setzt der IS auf ein breites Spektrum medialer und gestalterischer Formen und Formate eine
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r globalen, digitalen Medienkultur, um ein internationales Publikum zu erreichen: Online-Videos, anashid (Lieder) und Computerspiele; Internet-Meme, Social Media Posting oder Selfies. Der Sammelband gibt Einblick in die Bandbreite dieser jihadistischen Kommunikate, ihrer Ausdrucks- und Darstellungsweisen und zeigt dabei Möglichkeiten der Einordnung und der Auseinandersetzung auf." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This book examines how social media has transformed extremist discourse. It looks at how ISIS by a sophisticated use of social media platforms and PR concepts was able to recruit, mobilize and spread fundamentalist propaganda in regions where it had little physical presence. The volume focuses on t
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he inadequate response of the international community and the possibility of a more comprehensive approach from a Public Relations and Strategic Communication viewpoint. It demonstrates how Public Relations practice can be successfully and meaningfully used in counter-extremism activities." (Publisher description)
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"Julia Ebner verfolgt hauptberuflich Extremisten. Undercover mischt sie sich unter Hacker, Terroristen, Trolle, Fundamentalisten und Verschwörer, sie kennt die Szenen von innen, von der Alt-Right-Bewegung bis zum Islamischen Staat, online wie offline. Ihr Buch macht Radikalisierung fassbar, es ist
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Erfahrungsbericht, Analyse, unmissverständlicher Weckruf. Als Extremismusforscherin stellen sich ihr folgende Fragen: Wie rekrutieren, wie mobilisieren Extremisten ihre Anhänger? Was ist ihre Vision der Zukunft? Mit welchen Mitteln wollen sie diese Vision erreichen? Um Antworten zu finden, schleust sich Julia Ebner ein in zwölf radikale Gruppierungen quer durch das ideologische Spektrum. Sozusagen von der anderen Seite beobachtet sie Planungen terroristischer Anschläge, Desinformationskampagnen, Einschüchterungsaktionen, Wahlmanipulationen. Sie erkennt, Radikalisierung folgt einem klaren Skript: Rekrutierung, Sozialisierung, Kommunikation, Mobilisierung, Angriff." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The cases discussed in this chapter have demonstrated how disinformation and rhetoric that is spread through social media in the developing world often meets the Benesch criteria for dangerous speech. It comes from influential sources, which can include family and friends who share it. It plays on
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audience fears by persuading them that members of their group are being attacked by a rival group. It sometimes dehumanizes other groups and issues direct calls for violence against them. It happens where there are longstanding ethnic tensions and grievances. And where the media landscape is weak or suppressed, social media becomes a primary source of information, making it an especially influential means of transmission. There are several characteristics shared by developing countries, particularly those with a recent history of conflict and/or government repression, that make them more vulnerable to dangerous speech spread by social media. This includes low media or digital literacy, a lack of available alternative media and the prevalence of untraceable messaging platforms such as WhatsApp." (Conclusion)
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"The Islamic State's media strategy allows for a message that has been crafted by a handful of IS propaganda agents to be disseminated by a few primary distributors, who in turn can reach thousands of unaffiliated sympathizers, and therefore millions of Twitter users. By means of a conclusion, this
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chapter offers four short considerations on countering some of the different actors involved in the process. First, given the highly centralized nature of IS media production, which is most likely spearheaded by a handful of well-trained, technologically savvy and talented individuals, IS media production efforts would be very sensitive to the removal of these individuals [...] Second, although there is some anecdotal evidence that banning social media accounts is an effective way to curtail the activities of unaffiliated sympathizers, relying solely on social media companies to combat the spread of extremist material on their platforms not only raises questions regarding free speech, but would also give these companies the power to control public knowledge and discourse [...] Third, and on a related note, none of the so-called "lone wolf" attacks in Western countries were perpetrated by individuals who were actively involved in disseminating IS propaganda. In fact, it may well be that distributing jihadist material is an alternate mode of participation for individuals who are unwilling to engage in actual violence [...] Finally, although the Islamic State's military defeat appears imminent, one of the greatest mistakes of the "War on Terror" was the belief that the destruction of al-Qaeda's training camps and leadership would lead to the demise of the group, its affiliated movements and its ideology." (Conclusion)
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"The book includes an extensive section on the echoes of Rwanda, which looks at the cases of Darfur, the Central African Republic, Myanmar, and South Sudan, while the impact of social media as a new actor is examined through chapters on social media use by the Islamic State and in Syria and in other
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contexts across the developing world. It also looks at the aftermath of the genocide: the shifting narrative of the genocide itself, the evolving debate over the role and impact of hate media in Rwanda, the challenge of digitizing archival records of the genocide, and the fostering of free and independent media in atrocity's wake. The volume also probes how journalists themselves confront mass atrocity and examines the preventive function of media through the use of advanced digital technology as well as radio programming in the Lake Chad Basin and the Democratic Republic of Congo." (Publisher description)
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"Through a meticulous empirical examination of the criminalization of the Turkish hacktivist group Redhack, Dogan explores the critical conflation of hacktivism with cyber-terrorism—by national security organizations and academic researchers alike —that enables states to criminalize non-violent
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hacktivist groups. The paper’s empirical sources include interviews with Turkish security agents, legal and regulatory texts, and its theoretical grounding is a combination of literatures on moral panic, hacking, social movements, critical criminology, and framing analysis. In examining how Redhack constitutes an anomaly, and in exploring how anomalies point to the necessity of grounded, context-sensitive research, Dogan contributes conceptual development beyond Turkey and beyond hacktivism." (Page 1)
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"The study is comprised of three main parts: a desk study of available and accessible material – reports, documents and media material; a qualitative study comprising over 200 interviews with ordinary people, experts, and persons with direct experience with radicalization leading to violent extrem
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ism (RVE); and a quantitative component consisting of national surveys of people’s information consumption habits. For the desk study, the effort was made to gain as broad a picture as possible, that is, to cover all five countries of Central Asia – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. However, predictably and unfortunately, Uzbekistan and especially Turkmenistan proved difficult cases to study in full. For both the qualitative and quantitative field research activities, for several reasons, only the first three countries were included. As a result, this study is able to report most robustly on these three countries and propose observations regarding Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan only to a limited extent. Based on the desk study, the drivers of extremist sympathies as established in existing research have been political grievances (injustice from state structures; identity-based discrimination; oppressive political regimes, etc), economic difficulties (unemployment; indebtedness; poverty; and desire for quick and greater income) and ideological motivations (resentment of false values; striving for the singularly just and true life; for reward in a perceived afterlife). To these push and pull factors are added a range of enabling factors, such as migration, young age, gender (women), and means of communication. All these drivers of RVE need to be treated with caution, as stressed by various authors and suggested by evidence gained in field research. A general observation, gained from the desk research and supported by evidence in both qualitative and quantitative field studies, was the difference among the countries in degree of control over the information space, or the degree of hegemony over public discourse. Of the three most fully studied countries, hegemonic discourse was the strongest in Tajikistan, followed by Kazakhstan, and the least in Kyrgyzstan. Uzbekistan, analyzed to a limited extent, would be closer to the extreme of Tajikistan, whereas Turkmenistan was too closed to make reasonably robust observations." (Page 3)
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