"Was steht in der Zeitung von morgen? Unausgegorene Sensationsberichte oder gut recherchierte Artikel am Puls der Zeit? Die traditionellen Medien sindunter Druck. Ist dies das Ende des Qualitätsjournalismus? Die Zukunft der Qualitätsmedien steht heute mehr denn je zur Debatte. Entfacht wurde die D
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iskussion in den USA mit dem Boom des Internets und seiner Weiterungen. Aber auch im deutschsprachigen Raum machen sich viele Leserinnen und Leser Sorgen um eine qualitätsvolle Berichterstattung. Überall steht hinter der Tagesdebatte die Frage nach der bedrohten oder rettenden Medienqualität. Was ist Medienqualität? Wie lässt sie sich dauerhaft umsetzen? Drei Medienfachleute haben sich im deutschen Sprachraum umgesehen und berichten über Befunde und Rezepte. Mit zahlreichen anschaulichen Fallbeispielen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Media Accountability in Syria is more a question of re-defining the role of media in society than working on transparency practices or establishing self-regulation. This is due to strong state control and the mobilisation role mass media has been playing in Syria for decades. Before opening its med
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ia market for private publications in 2001 Syrian media was controlled either by the state or the ruling Baath party. Media accountability institutions like press councils or ombudspersons were simply not necessary in this concept of media and therefore do not exist. The only professional organisation, the Syrian Journalists Syndicate, did not act as a representative of independent journalists but as a representative of the regime. Additionally, as all journalists and media outlets had to work for more or less the same purpose, norms for guiding individual or organisational decisions – such as a code of ethics – were superfluous.
Although these conditions still persist in major parts of the media field, news websites have particularly contributed to a shift in society’s perception of the role of media by paving the way for media accountability practices in the field of responsiveness. Even though instruments for responsiveness might be part of an economic strategy of news websites to enter and survive the news media field, news websites have introduced an audience oriented journalism approach by providing collaborative story writing or possibilities for the audience to comment on news. This is a fundamental change in role perception as mobilising media was merely meant to serve the Baath elite and its ideas. Thus, the audience as a neglected actor of accountability seems to have entered the field.
In addition, news websites have added new topics to the traditional news agenda by taking the audience into account, and thus have contributed to holding the media accountable for aspects the old media does not cover. Thus, at least in some cases, media has played the role of being a watchdog over political decisions, which role media has never previously adopted. have particularly contributed to a shift in society’s perception of the role of media by paving the way for media accountability practices in the field of responsiveness. Even though instruments for responsiveness might be part of an economic strategy of news websites to enter and survive the news media field, news websites have introduced an audience oriented journalism approach by providing collaborative story writing or possibilities for the audience to comment on news. This is a fundamental change in role perception as mobilising media was merely meant to serve the Baath elite and its ideas. Thus, the audience as a neglected actor of accountability seems to have entered the field." (Summary)
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"Lebanon’s media has been envied for its press freedom and high quality by many Arabs from the region for decades. After 15 years of civil war the media had quickly started to flourish again. Yet, internal and external observers have been concerned about the close links between the media and polit
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ical and religious groups that have led to highly politicized journalism. There is no professional organisation that could unify journalists from the various fractions and set in force binding rules like a code of ethics. A media council does not exist, journalists unions are not involved in media accountability practices and a state’s ombudsman has never been instituted. Yet, internal accountability practices are relatively well developed. As political affiliation of media outlets is openly handled (e.g. staff is mainly recruited from each media’s particular political group, party emblems are published prominently, mission statements and ownership information are partly available), Lebanese normally know how to interpret the news. Accountability practices that were already in evidence in offline media have been adopted by the majority of websites, such as by-lines, precise references in stories and letters-to-the-editor." (Abstract)
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"Holding the news media accountable has traditionally been a task of the state in Jordan. Media laws and regulations are numerous and do not leave too much space for self-regulatory practices on a national basis. The Jordan Press Association (JPA) is the core of so-called established media accountab
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ility institutions. It conducted a law-like code of ethics in 2003 and runs ombuds committees (currently three) dealing with mishaps of the media to prevent journalists from legal liability. Though being a professional body, many journalists perceive the JPA as an extended arm of the government. Until 2010 the association was not prepared to deal with private broadcasting and online journalists in the same way as it does with press and state owned media journalists. Most media outlets in Jordan are characterised by a lack of accountability awareness and practices especially when it comes to actor and production transparency. Only recently have some news organisations (mainly net-native) become aware of their duty to be accountable towards their audiences. New comers to the field of online news, in particular, have experimented with citizens’ involvement and have established a high level of responsiveness in their newsrooms." (Summary)
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"The paper looks at how journalists and press councils in two very different media systems in the same region – Indonesia and Malaysia – have addressed the question of journalism ethics in the face of a changing media environment. The Indonesian Press Council, set up within the move to democracy
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in Indonesia, which – although a statutory council – works independently of government has recently been dealing with complaints from the public as well as criticisms from politicians about ethics on the Internet. Some internet coverage is being perceived as harmful and journalists and the press council find themselves having to strike a balance between concerns expressed and issues of free expression. In Malaysia, several internet-only based news-sites have been at the forefront of pushing restrictions on press freedom in the country. At the same time, there is concern expressed about excesses on the Internet. The paper compares these two on-going developments. It includes interviews with journalists from both countries. It will draw conclusions on what type of self-regulatory structure is best placed to deal with new media ethics in new or emerging democracies in South-East Asia while also addressing problems of transferring structures from one media systems to another." (Abstract)
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"An ombudsman is there to act as a counterweight or antidote to the natural assumptions of any organization that everything that happens is usually for a good reason or is done for the best of motives. An ombudsman is there to ask simple questions: “Are you sure?” “How do you know?” S/he is
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there to connect the public with the media organization to assure that the content produced is of the highest standards. And if not, why not? The readers, listeners and viewers deserve no less. Those of us who have done the job all have stories about what works and what doesn’t. This handbook is to help new and still active ombudsmen navigate through the cross currents of 21st century media. It is also a guide for students of journalism, as well as interested members of the public. When it comes to high-quality journalism, we are all in this together." (Introduction)
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"Media scholars and students, professionals and policy-makers alike will be introduced to the specific problems and perspectives of media accountability in different media systems and journalistic cultures. The status quo of media criticism online across Europe will be a key issue and provide insigh
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ts into the innovative potential of media accountability in the digital age. Looked at from a comparative point of view, the reports hint at the formation of different cultures of media accountability within Europe and its adjacent countries. These media accountability cultures partly overlap with the journalism cultures identified in the well-known model by Hallin & Mancini who differentiate between North Atlantic or Liberal, Mediterranean or Polarised Pluralist, and Northern European or Democratic Corporatist media systems. At the same time, the development of media accountability and transparency shows distinctive features incongruent with established models of journalism cultures." (Back cover)
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"The issue of media accountability mechanisms has been brought into the spotlight in South Africa following the release by the ruling African National Congress (ANC) of a discussion paper entitled ‘Media Transformation, Ownership and Diversity’ for deliberation at its National General Council me
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eting in September 2010, and the subsequent resolutions from the meeting. The paper and subsequent 2010 resolutions, among other things, reinforce a 2007 ANC Conference resolution to investigate the establishment of a statutory Media Appeals Tribunal (MAT) as the ruling party has suggested that the current self-regulatory system established by the print media does not sufficiently ensure that standards and ethics are upheld by newspapers. The print media have defended the self -regulatory mechanisms they have put in place, and argued that statutory regulation would inhibit freedom of expression and breach South Africa’s Constitution.
This paper does not evaluate the different arguments, nor does it make any recommendations on a way forward, beyond proposing that any accountability mechanisms/policies put in place must be responsive to evident public need and premised on reinforcing the media’s responsibility to hold those with economic, political and/or social power to account and to tell the news truthfully, accurately and fairly. The research instead focuses on highlighting approaches taken in other countries and ways the media and/or governments promote adherence by the media to principles and standards while reinforcing freedom of expression. It also briefly looks at additional proposals on transformation of the media suggested by the ANC in its paper. It focuses particularly on print media as this is the primary focus of the ruling party recommendations." (Introduction)
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"The chapters that follow provide an important insight into the evolution, current status and challenges to the effective implementation of media self-regulation systems in South East Europe and Turkey. Obstacles identified, which are likely to resonate in transitional democracies and other settings
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around the world, include insufficient tradition in the implementation of media self-regulation, low public trust in the media sector, political and economic pressures faced by media outlets and the important ties existing between politics, businesses and the media. The experiences recounted also underscore the essential need to bring all stakeholders on board in the effort to promote self-regulatory mechanisms, and to create awareness about the relevance of selfregulatory mechanisms among the general public - a task which is made difficult in the light of a prevailing lack of trust and consensus within the media sector itself. The publication sheds light on critical emerging issues for media accountability today. Confronting old dilemmas, journalists must abide by high ethical and professional standards in an environment that is revolutionized by the impact of new technologies. Contributing authors consider how media self-regulation fits into this new and ever-evolving picture, describing the impact of technological developments on media business models and traditional journalistic practices in South East Europe and Turkey, and the consequences that this bears for ethical and professional standards. Guaranteeing the application of such standards in online content is highlighted as a central challenge, with privacy protection, hate speech, gossip, unfounded accusations and criticism being issues flagged in some of the countries analysed. On a similar note, the multiplicity of actors producing and disseminating information, new methods of production and dissemination, and the increased speed of delivery has meant that editorial supervision is increasingly challenging." (Foreword, page 12)
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"Neunzehn Jahre nach der »Windhoek Deklaration« für eine unabhängige und pluralistische Presse in Afrika ist vom anfänglichen »Wind des Wandels« im Medienbereich nicht viel geblieben. Die Presse- und Medienfreiheit wird sowohl durch dominante Regierungsparteien als auch durch die Nachlässigk
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eit von Medienschaffenden mit journalistischen und ethischen Standards in Frage gestellt. Sollen Medien glaubhafte Wächter über den demokratischen Prozess sein, muss die Qualität und Integrität ihrer Berichterstattung gesichert werden ohne journalistische Unabhängigkeit und das Grundrecht der Meinungsfreiheit einzuschränken. Die Selbstregulierung der Medien durch unabhängige Medienräte stärkt das Vertrauen in die Berichterstattung und liefert ein starkes Argument gegen staatliche Einmischung in die Pressefreiheit." (Seite 1)
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"The monitoring of Iraqi media reveals that inflammatory coverage does not necessarily consist of a direct call to violence, but instead takes the form of indirect or coded terminology that still has dangerous potential to foment conflict. Current regulatory and self-regulatory efforts designed to p
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revent media incitement to violence have, thus far, been insufficient. Lessons learned from post-conflict Bosnia, Kosovo and Sri Lanka can assist Iraqis in creating their own legal and self-regulatory mechanisms to limit inflammatory media coverage. There are a wide range of measures to mitigate inflammatory media coverage, including targeted training for media and government officials, broad support for a professional code of conduct, a full review of existing legislation relating to incitement, and the creation of a lexicon of inflammatory terms with guidelines for the proper use of these terms." (Abstract)
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"This book can only give an overview on practiced media ethics by making available memorable experiences of broadcasters in their daily work. Furthermore it provides an exchange of different views and ideas of broadcasters and offers useful links and further suggestions to get a closer look into how
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other broadcasting organisations set their Code of Ethics. The final intention of this publication is to inspire the broadcasters thinking on the necessity of a code of conduct for core journalistic values and ethical practices and encourages broadcasting organisations to develop a custom-made Code of Ethics in accordance to the means and needs of their specific organisations." (Preface)
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"What emerges from the discussion of the Southern African media councils is a picture of relatively new institutions, struggling to find their place in a changing, difficult media and political terrain. They share many common challenges, as they contend with hostile governments, poor journalistic pr
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actices and a lack of resources. And yet there are significant differences between them. The strongest councils are undoubtedly those of Tanzania and South Africa. The Media Council of Tanzania (MCT) is far and away the biggest, with a large number of staff involved in a wide range of projects. Besides adjudicating complaints against the media, it is actively involved in lobbying on media freedom issues, even having drafted alternative laws to put to government. It has a substantial publication programme, has developed regional Press Clubs and offered training. Its ethics committee seems to be well established and generally respected, as indicated by the fact that several very prominent people have used it. Respect among the media is high: although there have been some cases of rulings being ignored, these are exceptions. The media provide the council’s core funding, while an extensive additional programme of activities is funded by donors. In general, the MCT is an excellent example of how a body of this kind can work. The South African council is by far the busiest, even though it has a much smaller staff. It has chose to concentrate almost entirely on the adjudication function. Only recently has it added the defence of media freedoms to its aims, but it is still developing a sense of what this might mean in concrete terms. One of the factors restraining the council from leaping too quickly into this arena is the fact that South Africa has several other media groups, which are already active in the area. Sensibly, there is little appetite on the council for duplicating work that the SA National Editors Forum (Sanef), the Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI), Misa and others are already doing." (Conclusion)
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"This guide, compiled with the most updated sources at the time of going to press in early 2009, will take you step by step towards becoming an effective investigative journalist, gaining and practicing the necessary skills and thus gaining the self-confidence required to do a job that is both effec
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tive and fulfilling for you. We'll show you each step wit the help of examples of good reporting, both from Afghanistan, countries in the region as well as international examples which turned around situations and removed powerful people from the public scene after they crossed the line." (Preface)
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