"Reúne los relatos sobre el devenir de la investigación en comunicación en América Latina que se presentaron en el coloquio homónimo el cual, dirigido a participantes del XIII Congreso de la Asociación Latinoamericana de Investigadores de la Comunicación, se realizó en la UNAM en octubre de
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2016. En palabras de su coordinadora Delia Crovi Druetta, se trata de un tejido común "armado a partir de fibras particulares, de experiencias diversas, de condiciones histórico-sociales disímiles, en las que a pesar de todo existen rasgos y retos comunes [...] Identificamos similitudes y diferencias, pero emerge la necesidad de seguir invirtiendo esfuerzos conjuntos sobre el pasado, el presente y el futuro de la investigación en comunicación en América Latina, su organización, sus protagonistas y los temas que interesan o preocupan". (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"Journalists in Mexico face hundreds of attacks each year, ranging from online harassment and physical intimidation to outright murder. The official narrative typically claims that murdered journalists are the victims of general criminal violence. This article finds that despite the rampant violence
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in Mexico, the murder of journalists cannot be attributed to the country's general criminal violence problem alone. Instead, the evidence points to the targeting, and even political targeting of journalists. First, journalists are at a much higher risk of being murdered than the general population. Second, the divergence between homicide rates among the general population and among journalists varies considerably between Mexican states. While recent scholarship has shown that subnational governments can successfully remain authoritarian despite democratization at the central or federal level, this literature has largely ignored the use of political killings in subnational undemocratic regimes. This article attempts to understand the murder of journalists not just as a problem of criminal violence, but also of political violence, and thereby connects the findings to the existing scholarship on subnational authoritarianism." (Abstract)
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"A partir de la experiencia de investigación participativa y la construcción de un programa de formación de técnicos comunitarios en México, en este texto se problematizan las características, retos y posibilidades de la comunicación indígena. La invitación que hacemos es a reflexionar sobr
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e las distintas formas de articulación entre los actores involucrados en proyectos de comunicación indígena, que pueden pertenecer a las comunidades o ser externos a ellas. En general, queremos presentar un planteamiento epistemológico y metodológico de los aprendizajes obtenidos a través de todo ese proceso, tomando en consideración los resultados obtenidos gracias a la colaboración de todos los participantes." (Resumen)
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"Historically, cinema in the Americas has been signed by a state of precariousness. Notwithstanding the growing accessibility to video and digital technologies, access to the material means of film production is still limited, affecting the spheres of production, distribution, and reception. Equally
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, questions about the precarious can be traced in cultural and archival policies, film legislations, as well as in thematic and aesthetic choices. While conventional definitions of the precarious have been associated with notions of scarcity and insecurity, this volume looks at precariousness from a non-monolithic angle, exploring its productivity and potential for original, critical approaches, with the aim of providing new readings to the variedly rich and complex cinemas of the Americas." (Publisher description)
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"The use of social media for news has started to fall in a number of key markets after years of continuous growth. Usage is down six percentage points in the United States, and is also down in the UK and France. Almost all of this is due to a specific decline in the discovery, posting, and sharing o
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f news in Facebook. At the same time, we continue to see a rise in the use of messaging apps for news as consumers look for more private (and less confrontational) spaces to communicate. WhatsApp is now used for news by around half of our sample of online users in Malaysia (54%) and Brazil (48%) and by around third in Spain (36%) and Turkey (30%). Across all countries, the average level of trust in the news in general remains relatively stable at 44%, with just over half (51%) agreeing that they trust the news media they themselves use most of the time. By contrast, 34% of respondents say they trust news they find via search and fewer than a quarter (23%) say they trust the news they find in social media. Over half (54%) agree or strongly agree that they are concerned about what is real and fake on the internet. This is highest in countries like Brazil (85%), Spain (69%), and the United States (64%) where polarised political situations combine with high social media use. It is lowest in Germany (37%) and the Netherlands (30%) where recent elections were largely untroubled by concerns over fake content." (Key findings, page 9)
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"This edited collection provides a unique survey of the ways in which news media organizations across Latin America and the Caribbean cover global, regional and local environmental issues and challenges. There is growing recognition within academia, governments, industries, NGOs and civil society ab
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out the importance of strategic communication and the news media in informing current societal and policy discussions about environmental issues. With this in mind, this volume explores the content of reporting as well as the structural and individual contests faced by media organizations and journalists, with a focus on the very unique political, social, cultural and environmental conditions that affect the countries individually. The book provides a survey of the most relevant and current environmental issues that have attracted public attention across the region and within countries in Latin America and the Caribbean in the first part of the 21st century." (Publisher description)
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"Die kommunikationswissenschaftliche Öffentlichkeitsforschung hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren verstärkt mit transnationalisierten Formen von Öffentlichkeit beschäftigt. Allerdings gehen nur wenige empirische Arbeiten über die (mögliche) Entstehung einer europäischen Öffentlichkeit hinaus.
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Daher analysieren wir anhand der medienöffentlichen Debatten in 15 Ländern über die Klimapolitik – ein Thema, das oft als möglicher Kristallisationspunkt für die Entstehung transnationaler oder gar „globaler“ Öffentlichkeiten dargestellt wird – inwieweit die Akteursensembles in der Berichterstattung von Qualitätstageszeitungen, Regional- und Boulevardzeitungen transnationalisiert sind und welche Reichweite eine etwaige Transnationalisierung aufweist. Die Analyse zeigt eine beträchtliche Transnationalisierung, die teils über eine Europäisierung hinausgeht. Allerdings ist die Berichterstattung je nach Untersuchungsdimension unterschiedlich transnationalisiert: Transnationalisierte Bezüge zeigen sich eher in „schwacher“ als in „starker“ Form: Ausländische oder supranationale Akteure werden häufiger in der Berichterstattung erwähnt, als dass sie selbst zu Wort kommen. Zudem ist die horizontale Transnationalisierung stärker ausgeprägt als die vertikale: Bezüge auf Akteure aus anderen Ländern finden sich häufiger als Bezüge auf supranationale politische Organisationen. Die Analyse zeigt zudem Länder- und Medienunterschiede, die grosso modo die Befunde der Forschung zu Klimawandel-Kommunikation und europäischer Öffentlichkeit bestätigen: In wirtschaftlich von Klimaschutzmaßnahmen betroffenen Ländern ist die Berichterstattung stärker national geprägt. In Qualitätstageszeitungen ist die Berichterstattung stärker transnationalisiert als in Boulevard- und Regionalmedien." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Cross-national research has identified crime, corruption, and human rights abuses as explanations for threats against journalists in democracies and authoritarian hybrids plagued by antipress violence. In-depth studies additionally suggest gender or occupational characteristics such as risky newsbe
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ats increase the likelihood of being threatened. We overcome data limitations in many of these studies by analyzing work-related threats reported by journalists in Mexico, a territorially uneven democracy. Findings confirm that contexts of criminal insecurity are the strongest predictor of threats but only for journalists who are frequently harassed. For the infrequently threatened, democratic normative commitments are a stronger predictor. Subnational government corruption is another important predictor of threat but operates counter to expectations. We believe this is because clientelism sufficiently controls journalists without the need for threat. Neither occupational traits nor gender were individually important predictors. Findings suggest future research should compare threat and harassment across lower and higher risk contexts, and measure public insecurity and clientelism at the local level where journalists actually work. Measurement improvements might better reveal the gender dynamics of threat. More broadly, comparative research and policy-making in democracies and authoritarian hybrids should focus on how local authoritarians limit journalists’ democratic normative aspirations." (Abstract)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"Este estudio es el primer estudio exhaustivo sobre el impacto que tienen emprendedores de medios digitales, los riesgos a los que se enfrentan, y si ha surgido un modelo de negocio viable para el periodismo digital independiente y de calidad. Para llevar a cabo esta investigación, SembraMedia, con
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el apoyo de Omidyar Network, conformó un equipo para estudiar 100 medios digitales de Argentina, Brasil, Colombia y México, 25 de cada país. Muchos de los investigadores eran emprendedores periodísticos, por lo que trajeron sus propias conexiones y una comprensión profunda de los medios en sus países. En entrevistas de dos horas a fundadores o directores, hicieron más de 130 preguntas sobre gestión, innovación, desafíos, oportunidades, tamaño y participación de la audiencia, e ingresos y gastos. Esta investigación tiene como objetivo ayudar a los fundadores de empresas de medios digitales a comprender mejor las tendencias, las amenazas y las mejores prácticas que los afectan. A su vez, diseñamos este informe para ayudar a los inversores, fundaciones y organizaciones periodísticas a apreciar el valor, la vulnerabilidad y el impacto de este ecosistema de medios de comunicación de rápido crecimiento. Aunque no compartiremos la información privada de cada medio, en este reporte se podrán ver los principales resultados y hallazgos." (Sumario)
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"Frente a la tendencia regional y global que lleva a gobiernos y a proveedores de servicio a acumular una cantidad cada vez mayor de información sobre sus usuarios, este estudio intenta una aproximación comparada a la manera en que las legislaciones de México, Brasil, Colombia, Perú, Argentina y
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Chile abordan la retención de datos y el registro de teléfonos móviles, de cara a sus obligaciones y compromisos internacionales en el marco interamericano, y en particular en relación a los proyectos legislativos que en Chile buscan realizar cambios al actual marco regulatorio de las telecomunicaciones." (Resumen)
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"The report is based on a survey of more than 70,000 people in 36 markets, along with additional qualitative research, which together make it the most comprehensive ongoing comparative study of news consumption in the world. A key focus remains in Europe where we have added Slovakia, Croatia, and Ro
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mania for the first time – but we have also added four markets in Asia (Taiwan, Hong Kong, Malaysia, and Singapore) along with three additional Latin American countries (Argentina, Chile, and Mexico) [...] In particular we have focused on two areas: (1) the extent to which people are prepared to pay for news or the different ways journalism might be funded in the future, and (2) understanding more about some of the drivers of low, and in some cases declining, trust in the media. For the first time we’ve attempted to measure and visualise relative levels of media polarisation across countries and identify a link between media polarisation and trust. Another focus has been on the media’s relationship with platforms – in particular how news is discovered and consumed within distributed environments such as social media, search, and online aggregators." (Foreword)
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"Hasta 2014, eran cinco los principales grupos que operaban en la región con capacidad de liderazgo y expansión más allá de las fronteras geográficas y de sectorización industrial: en orden de importancia a partir de su facturación, se trataba de Telefónica, América Móvil, Globo, Televisa
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y Clarín. Por entonces, las dos telefónicas mencionadas se ubicaban en un nivel muy superior al de Globo y Televisa, dado que facturaban diez veces más que los multimedios de Brasil y México. Estos, por su parte, duplicaban los ingresos del Grupo Clarín de Argentina. Desde entonces, hubo modificaciones en la estructuración de estos grupos, nuevas sociedades entre algunos de ellos y fusiones que alteraron su jerarquía económica y que potencian aún más el cuadro de concentración que se documenta en este libro. Cabe destacar que, si se considera solo a Telefónica y América Móvil, estos grupos se encuentran presentes en 18 de los 35 mercados analizados en esta investigación, con participaciones que tienen –al menos– el 30% de los mercados. Si la muestra abarca a los cinco grandes conglomerados de la región, se comprueba que estos están presentes en 28 de los 35 sectores. Pero también se puede apreciar que el tipo de presencia es completamente diferente si se considera a las telefónicas o a los grupos provenientes del sector de medios. Las primeras muestran una presencia secuencial, con dominio sustantivo en la televisión de pago, la telefonía fija y móvil, y la provisión de servicios de acceso a internet. Los grupos de medios tienen una presencia más diversificada, ya que han comenzado el proceso de convergencia hacia el sector de las telecomunicaciones (en especial Televisa y, fuera del lapso del presente estudio, Clarín), pero con una participación acotada a su territorio de origen. De esta forma, las telefónicas son grupos de carácter internacional o panregional con fuerte presencia en la región y una facturación muy superior a la de los grandes grupos de medios. Por su parte, los medios tradicionales han aprovechado su capacidad de influencia en la agenda política para promover sus intereses e iniciar el camino a una diversificación plena (presencia en todos o casi todos los mercados infocomunicacionales) antes que las telefónicas. De cómo se resuelva esta disputa con intereses claramente diferenciados entre medios y telefónicas, dependerá la evolución de la concentración en la región." (Conclusiones, página 193-194)
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According to the executive summary "Facebook’s Free Basics program aims to help bridge the digital divide through a mobile-based platform that allows users to connect to a handful of online services free of charge [...] This paper highlights the following findings: Language: Free Basics does not m
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eet the linguistic needs of target users [...] Content and usability: Free Basics features an imbalance of sites and services [...] Net neutrality: Free Basics violates net neutrality principles [...] Privacy: Facebook is accessing unique streams of user metadata from all user activities on Free Basics, not just the activities of users who are logged into Facebook." The Free Basics app was tested in six countries, with programs from five different operators: Colombia (Tigo), Ghana (Tigo), Kenya (Airtel), Mexico (Virgin Mobile), Pakistan (Telenor), and the Philippines (Globe).
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"In Australia in the 1980s, large numbers of remote Indigenous radio stations were established due to a perception that the introduction of ‘mainstream’ satellite programming in remote areas would act as a form of cultural ‘nerve gas’ (Remedio, 2012: 295) that would threaten ‘the very isol
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ation that had helped to preserve what remained of traditional language and culture’ (Guster, 2010: 9). There are parallels here with the development of remote media in Mexico and Canada, where local radio networks focusing on cultural content production were established in response to impending development and imposed sources of mass media. In each country, broadcasters in remote communities have, in recent years, been producing increasing amounts of hyper-local cultural and language-based content. This article examines the role played by Indigenous media in remote areas of Australia, Canada and Mexico in creating an alternative cultural voice for traditional communities and maintaining language and culture." (Abstract)
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