"In 2020 Internews launched the Rooted in Trust project to counter rumors and misinformation about COVID-19. They commissioned Translators without Borders (TWB) to map community radio stations and investigate the language and translation challenges community radio broadcasters face when relaying off
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icial COVID-19 risk communication to their audience. To better understand these challenges, TWB conducted a survey and interviews with 65 community radio broadcasters, representing a quarter of all community radio stations across Afghanistan. Based on our survey, we mapped community radio stations and the reach of each radio signal to estimate overall radio coverage across the country. Where possible, we triangulated our findings with data from Internews’ Information Ecosystem Assessment in Kabul, Kandahar, and Herat. Community radio stations remain an important source of information, especially for rural populations, less literate individuals, and in remote provinces. During public health emergencies, broadcasters can turn into health communicators and support the relay of risk communication, but they face several challenges.
• Radio signals don’t cover all provinces: Based on the radio signals we were able to map, radio coverage doesn’t reach people equally across the country. Speakers of marginalized languages have especially limited access to radio broadcasts. Relative to population density, speakers of Turkmeni, Brahui, Balochi, and Uzbeki have especially limited access to radio broadcasts.
• Few broadcasts are in languages other than Dari and Pashto: Dari and Pashto are the main broadcasting languages, but not everyone understands them. Broadcasts in other languages are largely limited to adverts, short audio clips, and sporadic language mixing in talk shows and call-in shows. Dedicated programs providing in-depth information in another language are rare.
• Language barriers reduce the quality and timeliness of broadcasts: Community radio stations lack resources and translation capacity to broadcast in languages other than Dari or Pashto. As a result, some important information is delayed, and some is never broadcast at all. The quality and level of detail of broadcasts in other languages is also reduced.
• Broadcasters face difficulties accessing available information: Most community radio stations have limited access to the internet and experience electricity failures. This makes accessing and validating available information on COVID 19 extremely difficult. Also, background information is often passed to broadcasters in English, but with limited internet access this information can’t readily be translated.
• Information needs to be provided in plain language: Broadcasters don’t relay information that uses complicated language or technical and medical terms. New terms and complex new information around medical issues need to be rewritten and presented in plain language for a general audience. Yet community radio stations often can’t provide plain-language editing, so don’t relay more complex information." (Overview, page 1)
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"Afghan presence in India dates back centuries. It exists in the form of goods, language, cultural and political influences, and other subtler yet significant forms. The influx of Afghan students, traders, and medical tourists in India, especially post the 2001 regime change in Afghanistan, has give
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n a boost to the relations between the two historical neighbors. The Afghan diaspora in India has, however, maintained its distinct cultural identity through language, food, crafts, and commodity exchanges, giving rise to transnational social formation. In recent years, among other ways, Afghans have maintained these transnational connections through the media. While the transnational flow of Indian media, including its consumption and influence in Afghanistan, has been thoroughly looked into by scholars, the role and influence of Afghan media among the Afghan diaspora in India have largely remained unexplored. This paper looks into how the Afghan diaspora in Delhi engages with media from their homeland. By using ethnographic tropes and by taking a cue from works of transnational media studies, the paper attempts to trace the flows, media consumption, and its influence in keeping the idea of ‘Afghaness’ thriving away from the ‘homeland’." (Abstract)
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"TV is the most popular media platform. Majority of TV viewers and radio listeners watch and listen to those media weekly. Urban, educated and younger people watch TV more than rural, less educated and older people. Men listen to radio and use internet more than women [...] A nationally representati
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ve sample of 2,729 adults aged 18+ in Afghanistan were interviewed over the phone in February and March." (Page 1)
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"BBC Media Action is helping to reduce the transmission of the coronavirus in Afghanistan by using a media campaign to encourage uptake of preventive behaviours. Informed by research the project’s media outputs aim to help reduce the transmission of the coronavirus by encouraging take up of the fo
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llowing behaviours: Handwashing with soap and water more frequently; Disinfecting high touch surfaces; Catching coughs and sneezes; Maintaining a physical distance from people that you don’t live with. The campaign features: Seventeen (17) video and 18 audio PSAs distributed on TV, social media and radio featuring a little girl and her family who urges everyone to follow preventive behaviours to reduce the chance of getting the Coronavirus and escape the fate of losing loved ones, like she had, losing her father. Six different PSAs produced in Dari, Pashto and Uzbek languages, and distributed across national and local radio and TV stations as well as on Facebook. Forty (40) five minute episodes of a fast fiction radio drama targeting the nomadic Kuchi population were also produced and distributed on radio, interactive voice response (IVR) and Facebook.
Impact: A Reach and Engagement survey was conducted in February and March 2021 of a nationally representative sample with 2,729 men and women aged 18 years and above, from settled urban and rural areas of 16 provinces of all eight geographic regions. In addition, 273 interviews were conducted with Kuchis (nomads). The survey’s primary goals were to gauge how successful the PSAs were in terms of reaching their intended targets and what the impact of the PSAs were, in terms of audiences’ knowledge and take up of preventative measures. The survey has shown that approximately 7.6 million have listened to or watched at least one of the PSAs or drama episodes (46% of the Afghanistan’s adult population). About three quarters of the audience (74%) reported to have discussed the PSAs with other people." (Page 1)
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"Between 2012 and 2016, UNESCO registered 530 deaths of journalists. They also published a statistic showing that television journalists were the most killed, followed by print media, radio and online journalists. Hinted in this statistics is the need to understand the relationship between the mediu
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m through which and in which the journalists produce news and the threats and dangers posed to them. In this article, we discuss this interlinkage and call it medium-specific threats. As examples of this interlinkage, we describe the cases of community radio journalists in the Philippines, photojournalists in Afghanistan and online journalists in Venezuela. Based on these examples from independently conducted studies from very different parts of the world, we make the broader case that while recognizing the prevailing political-economic and socio-cultural factors and forces at work in these media systems-in-flux, investigations of medium-specific threats to journalists are needed for more nuanced understanding of and thus mitigation of journalists’ insecurities." (Abstract)
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"As the United States engages with the Taliban in a peace process that might return them to influence within Afghanistan, concerns are rising regarding the future status of Afghan women. In this background, this article returns to the much studied subject of the portrayal of Afghan women in Western
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news media through Orientalist stereotypes. Noting the lack of Afghan perspectives in previous research on this topic, the study investigates the views and practices of Afghan photojournalists, who have today come to replace international photojournalists in the country, when it comes to ‘picturing Afghan women’ for Western audiences. It sheds light on the day-to-day professional activities of these photojournalists when producing images of Afghan women for Western audiences. It goes on to explore Afghan photojournalists’ perceptions about how Afghan women have been and are being portrayed in Western news media. Finally, it reports on how most of these Afghan photojournalists may perpetuate the same stereotypes about Afghan women for Western audiences because hierarchies in the international ‘visual gatekeeping chain’ supersede the Afghan photojournalists’ power to shape visual narratives and coupled with the need to earn an income as precarious labor, their individual self-reflexivity regarding picturing Afghan women are suppressed. The study also notes how photographing Afghan women causes risks for Afghan photojournalists as well as the Afghan women who are photographed. Attention is called to this hitherto invisible ethical concern that lives are jeopardized to validate Western savior narratives regarding Afghan women through images." (Abstract)
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"Der »Wegweiser zur Geschichte: Afghanistan« erschien erstmals 2006. Zu diesem Zeitpunkt kämpften die US-Streitkräfte und ihre Verbündeten im Rahmen der Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) bereits mehrere Jahre auch auf afghanischem Boden gegen den internationalen Terroris mus. Die Kräfte der Int
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ernational Security Assistance Force (ISAF) konnten berechtigt hoffen, einen Beitrag zur Stabilität im Lande zu leisten. Die Bundeswehr war an der OEF von Anfang an beteiligt. Ende 2014 wurde der ISAF-Einsatz beendet und den Afghanen die Verantwortung für die Sicherheit ihrer Heimat übertragen. Gleichwohl war klar, dass das Land am Hindukusch auch weiterhin des Beistands der internationalen Gemeinschaft bedurfte. Folgerichtig wirkt die Bundeswehr seit 2015 im Auftrag des Deutschen Bundestages mit Einsatzkontingenten an der Mission Resolute Support (RS) mit. Ein Ende der Unterstützungsleistungen ist derzeit nicht absehbar. Der »Wegweiser zur Geschichte: Afghanistan« bietet auch in seiner vierten, aktualisierten Auflage einen raschen Überblick über Geschichte und Kultur des Landes. Die aktuellen Konfliktlinien und Herausforderungen werden in bewährter Weise aufgezeigt." (Buchrückseite)
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"Afghanistan media has a history of 147 years. In 1873 the first ever paper, Shamsunahar, was established. The first radio transmitter was installed in 1920. The first TV broadcast happened in Kabul in 1978. The Internet was linked and used in Afghanistan during the Taliban period after 1996, althou
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gh it was not public and was used only by Taliban leaders. According to Nai Supporting Open Media, the leading Media Advocacy NGO in Afghanistan, there are 464 operational media in the country, which has the best media law in the region and one of the tops “Access to Information” bills in the world. But, since 2001, almost 120 journalists and media workers have been killed; more than 1550 violence cases against media have been registered and, except for a few of them, no prosecution processes have been launched for the cases. In practice access to information, despite having a good law, is one of the biggest challenges regarding freedom of expression, along with security and financial sustainability. The Taliban pose a great threat to media. Out of 120 journalists and media staff that have been killed since 2001, over 55 have been killed by the Taliban. On the other side, the Government of Afghanistan is yet to start addressing the violence cases against journalists allegedly perpetrated by governmental staff, particularly security forces. The government is not as supportive as it is stated to be by law and poses pressures which are among the challenges to freedom of expression. It has been known to set barriers to a free flow of information and to find various ways to prevent broadcasting stories about its failures. Financial challenges caused almost 240 media outlets to stop their activities in the country since 2014. Tens of radio stations and almost 6 TV stations are among the media outlets that have stopped their activities mainly because of financial problems. Although there are no specific studies that analyse public trust in media, the article “Media and government in the era of democracy” published on The Daily Afghanistan magazine shows the existence of a strong public trust in the media. When people are disappointed or have their rights infringed by a governmental entity, they turn to various media to make the problem known. That explains the popularity of media programmes that review cases and court hearings." (Overview)
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"Fieldwork from across Afghanistan allowed Osman to record the voices of Afghan media producers and people from all sectors of society. In this moving work, Afghans offer their own seldom-heard views on the country's cultural progress and belief systems, their understandings of themselves, and the r
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ole of international interventions. Osman looks at the national and transnational impact of media companies like Tolo TV, Radio Television Afghanistan, and foreign media giants and funders like the British Broadcasting Corporation and USAID. By focusing on local cultural contestations, productions, and social movements, Television and the Afghan Culture Wars redirects the global dialogue about Afghanistan to Afghans and thereby challenges top-down narratives of humanitarian development." (Publisher description)
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"This study examines disinformation and propaganda in war in the age of information particularly through social media. It analyzes Twitter's posts of the Afghan government and the Taliban, from January to March 2018. For understanding disinformation, 952 tweets of both parties were crosschecked with
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four national media outlets and a civilian protection advocacy group; and to recognize how the belligerents tried to present and propagate, their contents were analyzed to identify terms that dominate their outbound information. The study found discrepancy in information disseminated by the warring parties and mainstream media. Terrorism and Jihad were dominant frames of government and the Taliban, respectively. The findings could contribute to a greater body of literature regarding propaganda in operationalization of social media in the conflict zone." (Abstract)
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"This paper is written for the purpose of creating a roadmap to support press freedom and freedom of expression in the Afghan reconciliation process. Afghan Journalist Safety Committee (AJSC) prepared the document in collaboration with Afghan media representatives. The sole purpose of the roadmap is
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to protect and preserve press freedom and freedom of expression as fundamental principles and values in Afghanistan and as two of the most significant achievements of the past two decades." (Page 2)
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"A dual training programme for professional journalism, as has long been practised in various European and non-European countries, does not yet exist in Afghanistan. It aims to combine theory and simulation of practice at institutes of tertiary education through a vocational training course with an
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integrative design but which is completed externally in an editorial office (following the model of journalism programmes, for example, at German universities). This dual training programme aims to qualify as an academically certified journalist, recognised by professional associations and media fields. The proposal also set out to recommend further academic qualifications for journalism lecturers and professional training for practising journalists in Afghanistan, as well as recommendations for the legal, administrative and practical and/or administrative steps required for the medium-term establishment and trials of the model." (Preface)
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"This study identifies and evaluates the quality assessment of radio news in the country. To conduct this research, the researcher first posed the questions and objectives of the research and then, according to the nature of the work, used exploratory and applied research. The researcher consulted w
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ith professors from Al-Beroni and Kabul University to choose the research method and used quantitative method to collect information and qualitative content analysis method to analyze and interpret information. The researcher selected 4 half-hour news programs of Afghanistan, Killid, Azadi and BBC radios from the 6 months of news programs of the mentioned media as a sample population and after analyzing them with remarkable and interesting results acquired. BBC Radio follows all principles and standards of journalism and news reporting in radio, but the writing style of BBC Radio vocabulary is not simple and limited, so it is sometimes difficult for listeners to understand the news events or news programs. On the contrary, Radio Azadi’s writing style and reporting as well as presentation of news program is very simple, and listeners immediately can get the concept of news items. Independent and private radio stations follow development system as well as social responsibility theory of the media, but foreign media have their specific system of covering the events." (Abstract)
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"The importance of journalism’s role in society is beyond debate. Particularly in so-called fragile states, the social responsibility of media and journalism cannot be denied. Journalism education must account for the high level of skills required by journalists, and the ‘mediation’ function o
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f journalists in fragile states should be conceptualised. Responding to dynamic developments in the Afghan media landscape and the resulting need for high-quality journalism education, this article proposes a reform model for journalism education on a tertiary level in Afghanistan. Based on research as well as a needs and feasibility assessment following the participatory action research (PAR) approach, target models and an implementation plan for educational reform were developed. This provides a potential blueprint for reforms in journalism education in fragile states, which considers social and cultural values and interests in the local context while drawing on the perspective of the outsider. This article presents the results of a project entitled 'Professionalisation of Journalism Education on a Tertiary Level in Afghanistan', which resulted in a manual." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the ways in which cinematic film underscores the latency of structural violence in its visualization of peace, specifically through the juxtaposition of the life world of the two main protagonists in the Danish film A War (2016): Captain Claus Pedersen who serves as a Danish s
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oldier in Afghanistan and his wife Maria who takes care of the family in peaceful Denmark. The analysis centers on the internationally acclaimed film A War, directed by Thomas Lindholm, which received an Oscar nomination for Best Foreign Language film. In contrast to many other films about war in general and the Afghanistan war in particular, it intimately portrays how the young family struggles with the consequences of a war taking place in faraway country and right in the middle of their life." (Abstract)
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"Overall, one finding stands out: the international community has repeatedly overestimated its own capacity and the capacity of its Afghan partners to bring about rapid social change. What has worked best are modest, locally embedded projects with immediate, tangible benefits. What has rarely worked
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are complex projects aimed at building capacity and changing behaviour. More specifically, interventions in basic health and education, and in improving basic livelihoods, led to results. Interventions in building capacity for the administration, or in sectors such as the rule of law or gender, rarely worked. In reading these 148 reports, one also realizes that the international aid community is often not good at learning. Monitoring and evaluation systems are weak, and have hardly improved since 2002. Back in the early 2000s, many donors pointed out that, in order to achieve meaningful and sustainable development, more time was necessary. Fifteen years later, few sustainable results have been achieved, but many donors continue to suggest that better results will still require more time. Few donors appear to have changed their fundamental strategic approach, despite the fact that their own evaluations strongly suggest that many aid programs are neither e cient nor e ective in the Afghan context. In all fairness, the Afghan context is an incredibly challenging one, as these 148 reports vividly remind us on almost every page. The situation on the ground was and still is characterized by a lack of basic security; Afghan partners in government and in civil society lack basic capacities; many entrenched political actors have little interest in real reforms. Despite these challenging conditions, there was since the early days of the international engagement in Afghanistan tremendous political pressure on development actors to rush in and to provide quick results. An additional layer of complexity was added by the fact that the international engagement was from the beginning both a civilian and a military intervention, and planners in headquarters as well as practitioners on the ground had to learn how to cope with the task of civil-military cooperation. Under such circumstances, designing e ective aid programs is a herculean task." (Introduction, page 8)
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"The challenges faced by journalists and mass media in war torn countries are serious. The same could be said to be the case in Afghanistan. Though freedom of speech and of the mass media are among the on-going struggles of the Afghan people after the fall of the Taliban regime, it is worrying that
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the initial success against the Taliban or other new enemies not irreversible. Threats of violence against journalists and the mass media come from militant groups, politicians and government apparatus. The objective of this paper is to examine the security challenges involving the exercise of free of speech by journalists and the mass media in Afghanistan. The situation also requires the analysis provisions of the constitution and relevant legislation to see if they are equal to the threats. On the other side of the question, the paper also examines violations of the rights of journalists by the government machinery. This paper applies the doctrinal method wherein the research examines the laws of Afghanistan relating to the freedom of speech and freedom of the mass media. The quest of the paper among others is about the adequacy of the relevant provisions of the constitution and legislation. Lastly, the paper makes recommendations to improve the safety of journalists and the mass media." (Abstract)
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"Afghanistan is one of the world’s most dangerous places for journalists. There are, however, no data on the mental health of Afghan journalists covering conflict in their country. The study aims to determine the degree to which Afghan journalists are exposed to traumatic events, their perceptions
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of organizational support, their rates of symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression, their utilization of mental health services and the effectiveness of the treatment received.
Design/methodology/approach: The entire study was undertaken in Dari (Farsi). Five major Afghan news organizations representing 104 journalists took part of whom 71 (68%) completed a simple eleven-point analog scale rating perceptions of organizational support. Symptoms of PTSD and depression were recorded with the Impact of Event Scale – Revised (IES-R) and the Centre for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D), respectively. Behavioral comparisons were undertaken between those journalists who had and had not received mental health therapy.
Findings: The majority of journalists exceeded cutoff scores for PTSD and major depression and reported high rates for exposure to traumatic events. There were no significant differences in IES-R and CES-D scores between journalists who had and had not received mental health therapy. Most journalists did not view their employers as supportive.
Originality/value: To the best of authors’ knowledge, this is the first study to collect empirical data on the mental health of Afghan journalists. The results highlight the extreme stressors confronted by them, their correspondingly high levels of psychopathology and the relative ineffectiveness of mental health therapy given to a minority of those in distress. The implications of these findings are discussed." (Abstract)
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"2019 has seen major achievements resulting from needs-based, and specifically-tailored support through the Multi-Donor Programme on Freedom of Expression and Safety of Journalists (MDP). Actions building on ongoing work and others opening new avenues, have initiated substantial changes in favour of
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freedom of expression and media development. The stories presented here are some examples of how the MDP works to provide countries and their populations with the necessary tools to nurture a free and independent media. This includes promoting the adoption of policies and standards on freedom of expression and safety of journalists, and fostering diversity, gender equality and media and information literacy through and with the media. Hence the name given to this series of articles: Let Free Media Thrive." (Editorial, page 2)
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"The 10 countries included in this paper all show specific characteristics and contexts but also show similar barriers. Identifying shared characteristics will facilitate the development of shared approaches to deal with shrinking space. Don’t work in silos!
It’s (also) about upholding the law:
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Lobbying parliament and the government to adopt pro-civic space laws can only be part of a solution. Actions to defend civic space must also target the political will and means to uphold the law.
Target state and non-state actors: Campaigns to promote and protect civic space should target both state and non-state actors.
Analyze the international level: The analysis of civic space infringements should go beyond the national level. Changes to civic space are also the result of international developments, like the war on terror following 9/11, the international war on drugs, the globalization of (the fight against) crime and money laundering, the growth of foreign direct investment (e.g. in land). That international level can be operationalized.
Use innovative strategies: Some organizations mention new, innovative ways of reconquering civic space, involving new target groups. There are inspiring examples of CSOs engaging the creative sector and the arts as a way to achieve societal change. Involve art and pop culture. Seek cross-fertilization between CSOs and (new) media.
Collect best practices: To facilitate shared learning an inventory of strategies and practical methods (best practices) used by civic actors to deal with shrinking civic space would be useful. New approaches, tips and strategies should be shared within a global network of likeminded organizations." (Conclusions and observations, page 11)
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