"Media Culture in Transnational Asia: Convergences and Divergences examines contemporary media use within Asia, where over half of the world's population resides. The book addresses media use and practices by looking at the transnational exchanges of ideas, narratives, images, techniques, and values
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and how they influence media consumption and production throughout Asia, including: Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, South Korea, Singapore, Vietnam, Afghanistan, Iran and many others. The book's contributors are especially interested in investigating media and their intersections with narrative, medium, technologies, and culture through the lenses that are particularly Asian by turning to Asian socio-political and cultural milieus as the meaningful interpretive framework to understand media." (Publisher description)
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"In 2018, South Asia was declared by the IFJ as the most deadly region in the world for media workers, which most brutally demonstrates the reality faced by far too many in the industry. Nowhere was this more acutely felt than Afghanistan with eight journalists and four other media workers killed, a
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nother eight threatened with death and 61 recorded violations on journalists attempting to do their job. The horrific targeted assassination of revered journalist and editor Shujaat Bukhari in Kashmir, India, in June 2018 sent shockwaves through the troubled region and beyond. Scores of journalists and even ordinary citizens turned out to mourn and shine a light on an important voice extinguished, a key voice of reason and advocate of peace in the protracted conflict. In Bangladesh, mass political demonstrations by students over road safety saw another brave advocate of freedom of expression, photojournalist Shahidul Alam targeted. Accused of spreading false and provocative statements in an interview with Al Jazeera, he was jailed for more than 100 days drawing global condemnation on the Bangladeshi government. Alam was one of 21 jailed or detained media workers in the region, on charges such as violation of digital security laws, sedition and even vague criminal determinations. Right now, Pakistani journalist Cyril Almeida is also bravely fighting treason charges in the courts for his coverage of the Pakistani state’s patronage of militant groups, while being honoured internationally as a press freedom hero. Meanwhile Kashmiri journalist Aasif Sultan currently remains languishing in jail, charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act for a story on the second anniversary of the death of a young Kashmiri militant. Many other journalists in the year were detained without charge for periods ranging from a few hours to months. All in an attempt to silence their critical voices. The period from May 2018 to April 2019, saw the mass haemorrhaging of journalist jobs in the region, most acutely in Pakistan." (Overview, page 5)
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"The media in Afghanistan and Pakistan has never been so large, vibrant and independent. It has attained unimaginable power and become a key player in politics and other walks of life. Media is the fourth pillar of the state and democracy in both Afghanistan and Pakistan in the true sense of the wor
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d. Earlier, it was the mainstream print and electronic media that was dominant and had assumed unprecedented importance. Now the social media is making an impact in these two neighbouring countries and often taking the lead in breaking news even if it has lesser credibility than the mainstream media. The media has tended to be overly patriotic and at times even aggressive in context of the perceived national interests of Afghanistan and Pakistan. The poor relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan affect the work of journalists. There is generally lack of awareness about each other due to the virtual absence of Afghan media in Pakistan and Pakistani media in Afghanistan." (Page 1)
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"95 per cent of journalists killed in armed conflict are locally based journalists. While there has been increasing focus on the physical and digital safety issues these journalists face, there has been less attention towards the need for psychosocial support. Addressing psychosocial needs of local
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journalists must become a higher priority to better provide for their well-being as they are impacted by psychologically traumatizing events happening around them. The context of local journalists in covering such events is very different from their international correspondent colleagues. This paper will discuss the cross-country lessons, as well as the challenges, surrounding psychosocial issues as part of the holistic theme of safety of journalists. Researchers have shown how journalists, particularly war correspondents, are affected by the work they do. But there has been little examination of the effects on local journalists or fixers for international media who live and work covering violence, conflicts or disasters that impact them directly. This paper will look at how trauma support considered mainstream in Western countries might be adapted for local journalists, examples of psychosocial support that have been used in different contexts such as the Middle East, Asia and Latin America and offer considerations in conducting further research into this area moving forward." (Abstract)
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"This report maps threats against journalists in Afghanistan between January and December 2017. Divided into five key indicator categories, the report first provides an overview of the safety situation of journalists in Afghanistan; followed by the discussion of the roles and responses of State and
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political actors; the roles and response of media and intermediaries; and the roles and responses of the United Nations (UN) system and other extra-national actors with a presence in the country in relation to safety matters." (Executive summary)
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"In their postwar, postindependence, and post-Soviet moments, why did two neighbors, Afghanistan and Tajikistan, who share cultural, linguistic, and historical similarities, take radically divergent paths in the development of their mass media, public sphere, and democracy? In this article, I argue
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against the popular sentiment that the reason for their striking post-9/11 disparities—namely Afghanistan’s relatively open and diverse media environment and Tajikistan’s repressive media regime—is that Afghanistan remains under the purview of influence and development aid of the United States and, conversely, Tajikistan is still under Russian control. Using case examples from my fieldwork in both countries, I demonstrate that the fact that Afghanistan is not unilaterally under the influence of U.S. aid is precisely why Afghanistan has not yet fallen down the slippery slope of commercialization, and its media world remains vibrant and viable, albeit fragile." (Abstract)
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"Afghan journalists have been experiencing a deteriorating situation, due to a multitude of threats. They operate in a situation of low popular literacy, as well as low media literacy. Threats from Taliban and other insurgents cause many journalists to live in constant fear. This article is based on
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interviews with 28 Afghan journalists. They report that they are less willing to take risks than before, their editors even less so. Routines are far from always in place in media institutions, and quite a few journalists have not received necessary security equipment. Almost all report experiencing post-traumatic stress syndrome, some have even experienced physical harm. We conclude by stating that Afghan journalists are caught in a balancing act, facing powerful violent insurgents, oppressive authorities and media owners." (Abstract)
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"In international conflict correspondence safety mechanisms are unequally employed to protect local news-staffs in contrast to international staffs. Arguably, this has had the greatest impact on image production from war zones, exposing local photojournalists to increased dangers. But it also raises
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the possibility that local photographers from conflict-torn countries may represent conflicts to international audiences differently than do international photographers. This possibility is explored in this study using the case of Afghanistan. Based on photojournalists’ perceptions and comparisons of international and locally produced images, we explore potential effects of the shifting reliance on local rather than international photojournalists on how distant wars come to be pictured to international audiences. This study advances an argument for giving increased protection to local photojournalists in conflict zones." (Abstract)
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"The main objective of the study is to analyze the framing of Afghan refugees in print media of Pakistan and attempts to generate a substantial body of information about the role of Pakistani media in this regard and presents the issues and problems of afghan refugees after the operation of Zarb-e-
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Azb and attempts to investigate and compare the policies of leading English print of Pakistan after the incident of APS attack. Quantitative methodology has been opted and content analysis is used as research method. Under the umbrella of framing theory the study concludes that the national security of the state was of prime importance for the media while the problems and issues of Afghan refugees were of least concern. Further, the government policies for Afghan refugees regarding visa facilitation, registration, legal issues, border management crises, educational and health policies were highlighted in media." (Abstract)
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"This book provides an international perspective on the different aspects of journalism – the situation in which journalists work, their working conditions, educational backgrounds, struggles and successes. It is aimed at an international public interested in the field of journalism and freedom of
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speech. It addresses journalists, trainers and academics. Furthermore, institutions in the field of development cooperation, education or cultural policy and cultural education are the focus of this work. Though the book is focused on journalism and journalism education in developing countries, contributions are from across the globe." (Publisher description)
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"Without a doubt, the combined power of the public arena and broadcast media is a very efective social tool for collective action in Afghanistan. Yet there are serious limits to both the media’s self-advocacy and the public’s strong and unwavering support. Te media-related crimes and murders men
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tioned in this chapter are a few of the many. Yet no arrests are made and no one is prosecuted in most of these cases. Zoorawarah can continue to censor media makers with impunity and without fears of retribution. Broadcasting the incidents of violence and censorship against media personnel and the media writ large, as well as the subsequent protests and production of investigative and expository programs is indeed generative in creating dialogue and raising awareness about media rights and the important role of a free media in a society, but it is clearly not enough. Tus far, we have seen examples of two types of potential cultural imperialism. By aggressively promoting and offering their own media products, programs, and formats, at little or no cost, the argument can be made that foreign countries are impeding the development of Afghanistan’s own media industry, artistry, and media crafts. Additionally, we have seen examples of censorship, both from endogenous and exogenous forces, ranging from pressuring the government to ban programming or directly pressuring producers to do so. In extreme cases, we have seen an egregious third form of censorship becoming prevalent in Afghanistan. High-level media personnel and wealthy media owners who are ofen prominent public fgures, such as politicians, warlords, drug lords, religious leaders, and businessmen, hire body guards and live behind gated fortress mansions, while low-level television personalities and reporters are subjected to threats, physical attacks, and death for providing people with programming they want to watch and which gives them a platform to raise their voices. Hence, it is the mid- and low-level media professionals, not the owners of the television stations they work for nor the foreign governments that are the patrons of the stations, who bear the ultimate burden of media freedom and reform in Afghanistan. Caught between warring ideologies that range from Islamist to commercial to “developmentalist,” as brave as these Afghan media personalities and journalists are, and despite their high media a profile, their low socioeconomic status leaves them vulnerable to abuse and possible death." (Conclusion, page 168-169)
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"Most of Japan's civil society assistance targets media. JICA's policy guideline on peace-building assistance regards media assistance as one of the target categories of Japan's democracy assistance (Japanese International Cooperation Agency JICA, 2009). The International Peace Cooperation Council (
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Kokusai Heiwa Kyoryoku Kondankai), which was established within the Cabinet Office. recommended boosting Japan's media assistance in its report published in December 2002 (Council on International Peace Cooperation 2002, 42). Japan has assisted media through grants, technical assistance, expert dispatch, expert training, and the provision of materials related to broadcasting (JICA 20046, 50). Japan has provided media assistance mainly to TV and radio stations. According to Masakazu Sakashita (2006, 122), 127 TV media assistance projects and 56 radio assistance projects had been conducted by September 2005, while Japan has never provided media assistance to print media such as newspapers and magazines. This is because Japan regards telecommunication and broadcasting technology as its comparative advantage and thus focuses on those projects that require it. Indeed, the chief characteristic of Japan's media assistance is that it focuses on facilities such as information and telecommunication networks instead of media content. Project contents include the improvement of production capacity and broadcasting skills, repair of ground communication systems, and provision of studio equipment. Seminars are provided to teach how to use and maintain the equipment provided through such projects as well (JICA 20046, 50). Expert training has been conducted for countries such as Indonesia and Sri Lanka in addition to broadcasting infrastructure assistance, which provided training for program production. However, this training tends to be a mere supplement to broadcasting in frastructure assistance projects (Sakashita 2006, 122). Within JICA, while it is the former Public Policy Department and the current Industrial Development and Public Policy Division that is in charge of democrac y assistance, the Information and Telecommunication Technology Division is in charge of media assistance. This shows that Japan's media assistance is conducted mainly as broadcasting technical assistance rather than democracy assistance, as Sakashita (2006, 122) notes.
Japan's media assistance to Afghanistan in 2002 helped broadcast the country's Loya Jirga, or national assembly, on TV via satellite. Its aim was to show the discussion at the national assembly and the process of choosing the interim president of the country to increase the legitimacy of the new administration (JICA 2004a). The political character of this assistance project was distinct compared with Japan's media assistance until then. However, the project assisted only a state hroadcasting station and did not intend to Increase the capacity of primate media's watchdog functions. In this sense, the actual content of this assistance project was state, not civil society assistance. In addition, the contents of this assistance were to upgrade broadcasting in frastructure and provide equipment and training on how to use the equipment. No assistance was provided in terms of the content of the broadcasting. No expert on free and fair broadcasting was included in its preliminary study group, and all the experts were broadcasting technical specialists, which shows the weakness of Japan's interest in supporting the role of media in democracy (JICA 2002). The project document did not set contribution to democracy as an evaluation criterion of the project, either (Sakashita 2006, 124)." (Pages 51-53)
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"During the last fourteen years, Afghan media has played a significant role in empowering women and they still do. Media has a crucial responsibility in promoting women’s participation in society. It has the power to spread messages and raise awareness for the challenges women face. Most important
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ly, media has given women a voice which has allowed them to actively engage with the Afghan government, interest groups and society at large. This paper is about Afghan women print media, focusing on media representation of Afghan women in the Afghan women’s print media in post-Taliban Afghanistan. The Afghan women’s media has been studied to find out how Afghan women are represented and how it impacts women’s social condition in Afghanistan. A textual analysis of Afghan women’s magazines provided the research material for this study. Feminist theory is used to determine the effect of Afghan women media representation in the post-Taliban period on the perception of women in the Afghan society." (Abstract)
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"This study draws from scholarship in framing theory and mediated collective memories for the analysis of the adoption of official narratives of US President Donald Trump’s Afghanistan policy as ready-made news frames by Afghanistan’s Tolo TV’s popular current affairs program as Tawde Khabare
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(Hot Talks). Collected through purposive sampling technique, a comparative qualitative analysis of selected programs of Tawde Khabare and the text of President Trump’s Afghanistan policy suggests that the post-Taliban US-established Afghan media system has largely adopted and borrowed ready-made news frames and official narratives disseminated by the US government to domestic and global media. The ffindings suggest further that official frames of Donald Trump’s Afghanistan policy received greater acceptability in the Tolo TV coverage of the concerned issue. The study has raised several questions regarding the credibility of the post-Taliban Afghan media system and as do similar systems in other post-conflict societies established though the financial and technical help of the US and allied states after 9/11." (Abstract)
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"Since 2013, BBC Media Action has been working closely with Unicef to support polio eradication. Through mass media programming – radio magazine shows and drama, and radio and TV public service announcements (PSAs) – it has sought to break down barriers to immunising against polio and other chil
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dhood vaccines among vulnerable and hard-to-reach communities in Afghanistan, Nigeria and Somalia to increase demand for and uptake of them. This briefing synthesises findings from research conducted in the three countries – Afghanistan, Nigeria and Somalia - with a focus on Afghanistan. Research findings suggested that BBC Media Action’s programming provided listeners with accurate, trusted and clear information against misinformation and harmful rumours, increased knowledge on the requirement of multiple doses of vaccines and vaccination schedules, prompted discussion and dialogue in communities, garnered trust and confidence among caregivers through the use of doctors and religious leaders and encouraged parents to vaccinate their children by dispelling misconceptions about vaccinations." (https://www.bbc.co.uk/mediaaction)
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"To support joint efforts to protect journalism, there is a growing need for research-based knowledge. Acknowledging this need, the aim of this publication is to highlight and fuel journalist safety as a field of research, to encourage worldwide participation, as well as to inspire further dialogues
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and new research initiatives. The contributions represent diverse perspectives on both empirical and theoretical research and offer many quantitatively and qualitatively informed insights. The articles demonstrate that a new important interdisciplinary research field is in fact emerging, and that the fundamental issue remains identical: Violence and threats against journalists constitute an attack on freedom of expression." (Back cover)
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"This study assesses the role and impact of this local radio station network as well as its sustainability prospects, focusing on four pillars of sustainability in particular: Financial sustainability: at a minimum, radio stations need to be able to support their activities, and ideally enjoy some s
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urplus for innovation. Organizational sustainability: radio stations need to have access to a level of professionalism and resources that allow it to produce and present programs of reasonable quality. Political and cultural sustainability: radio stations need to be politically enabled to perform their activities, to do so in safety, and to enjoy the support of the communities within their broadcast area. Audience sustainability: radio stations need to be able to reach a sizeable audience, and to meet this audience’s information needs and expectations. To this end, in-depth interviews with key stakeholders in the Internews/Salam Watandar story as well as those involved in media operations at the central Kabul level were combined with 10 in-depth case studies from the research sample of 30 provincial Internews-established, full Salam Watandar-partner stations. 20 in-depth interviews by phone with the remaining sample stations were added to this." (Executive summary)
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