"Three notable trends punctuated an especially dismal year for internet freedom. First, political leaders used the pandemic as a pretext to limit access to information. Authorities often blocked independent news sites and arrested individuals on spurious charges of spreading false news. In many plac
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es, it was state officials and their zealous supporters who actually disseminated false and misleading information with the aim of drowning out accurate content, distracting the public from ineffective policy responses, and scapegoating certain ethnic and religious communities. Some states shut off connectivity for marginalized groups, extending and deepening existing digital divides. In short, governments around the world failed in their obligation to promote a vibrant and reliable online public sphere. Second, authorities cited COVID-19 to justify expanded surveillance powers and the deployment of new technologies that were once seen as too intrusive. The public health crisis has created an opening for the digitization, collection, and analysis of people’s most intimate data without adequate protections against abuses. The third trend has been the transformation of a slow-motion “splintering” of the internet into an all-out race toward “cyber sovereignty,” with each government imposing its own internet regulations in a manner that restricts the flow of information across national borders." (Pages 1-2)
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"Anti-press violence in Colombia's Bajo Cauca is an inherent part of the structures, which underpin the region's alternative social (dis)order. Through ethnographic interviews with four members of Colombia's neo-paramilitary group, Los Urabenos, who have perpetrated attacks against journalists, this
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study argues that anti-press violence can co-exist alongside a sense of respect for journalism. It identifies a direct link between a journalist's style of reporting and the level of risk to which they might be exposed, as well as between neo-paramilitary decisions to kill or intimidate and the level of law enforcement in operation. It is argued that anti-press violence is connected to the perpetrators' democratic and economic survival. In these circumstances, anti-press violence is presented as a tool of criminal governance to maintain the alternative social (dis)order and protect the neo-paramilitaries'brutalact of 'insurgent citizenship'. Such analysis moves beyond the consideration of the wider democratic implications of anti-press violence to provide a more nuanced understanding of theprovocative, deliberativeandstructuraldeterminants, which underpin it on the violent margins of Colombia." (Abstract)
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"Esta Evaluación del Ecosistema de Información (IEA) aborda, desde la demanda, el flujo de información para el acceso a servicios en protección de derechos de la comunidad migrante y retornada en Bogotá, el área metropolitana de Cúcuta y los municipios de Maicao y Riohacha en La Guajira. La i
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nformación para las fases del IEA se recogió utilizando metodologías cualitativas y cualitativas de recolección de datos remotos adaptadas para garantizar la seguridad de los participantes y los investigadores durante la cuarentena nacional obligatoria en Colombia en respuesta a la pandemia por COVID-19. En el marco del programa Conectando Caminos por los Derechos de USAID/Colombia, el IEA aborda algunos temas claves que incentivan o afectan el acceso a la información en derechos y rutas de acceso a protección de derechos entre la comunidad migrante/retornada: la relación entre estar indocumentado y la explotación laboral; la necesidad de una mejor articulación entre las instituciones para direccionar o redireccionar a las personas hacia rutas efectivas de servicios de protección de derechos; las barreras físicas y discriminación que limitan el acceso a la información; la importancia del sentido de comunidad en la diáspora y la experiencia de pares como factor de influencia en la toma de decisiones." (https://internews.org)
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"The 10 countries included in this paper all show specific characteristics and contexts but also show similar barriers. Identifying shared characteristics will facilitate the development of shared approaches to deal with shrinking space. Don’t work in silos!
It’s (also) about upholding the law:
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Lobbying parliament and the government to adopt pro-civic space laws can only be part of a solution. Actions to defend civic space must also target the political will and means to uphold the law.
Target state and non-state actors: Campaigns to promote and protect civic space should target both state and non-state actors.
Analyze the international level: The analysis of civic space infringements should go beyond the national level. Changes to civic space are also the result of international developments, like the war on terror following 9/11, the international war on drugs, the globalization of (the fight against) crime and money laundering, the growth of foreign direct investment (e.g. in land). That international level can be operationalized.
Use innovative strategies: Some organizations mention new, innovative ways of reconquering civic space, involving new target groups. There are inspiring examples of CSOs engaging the creative sector and the arts as a way to achieve societal change. Involve art and pop culture. Seek cross-fertilization between CSOs and (new) media.
Collect best practices: To facilitate shared learning an inventory of strategies and practical methods (best practices) used by civic actors to deal with shrinking civic space would be useful. New approaches, tips and strategies should be shared within a global network of likeminded organizations." (Conclusions and observations, page 11)
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"La UC y Canal 13: de la televisión experimental a la era digital es un recorrido breve a través de la participación de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile en el inicio, institucionalización y evolución del Canal 13 de televisión. Este nace como una actividad experimental en un labora
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torio de la Esculea de Ingeniería, sin mayores recursos ni pretensiones, y en menos de seis décadas transita a una industria de multimedios altamente competitiva. El presente libro da cuenta de los diferentes hitos en el desarrollo de esta señal televisiva, poniendo especial foco en lo que fue la década final de la presencia de la Universidad en el Canal, considerando su salida de la propiedad del mismo el año 2017 y lo que se está planteando para el futuro."
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"This book explores the struggles over the mediated construction and projection of the image of the nation at times of social unrest. Focusing on the June 2013 protests in Brazil, it examines how different actors -authorities, activists, the national media, foreign correspondents- disseminated compe
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ting versions of 'what Brazil was' during that pivotal episode. The book offers a fresh conceptual approach, supported by media coverage analysis and original interviews, that demonstrates the potential of digital media to challenge power structures and establish new ways of representing the nation. It also highlights the vulnerability of both 'old' and 'new' media to forms of inequality and disruption due to political interferences, technological constraints, and continuing commercial pressures." (Publisher description)
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"Esta publicación sobre diálogo de saberes en colectivos recoge el espíritu del diálogo de saberes para reflexionar sobre temas recientes en los procesos de agrupación juvenil y sus formas de apropiación de medios y territorios, pues resulta pertinente pensar la ciudad y a través de las diná
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micas de reconfiguración territorial, social y cultural que realizan los colectivos de comunicación." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"Uno de los aspectos a destacar de este libro, es la coautoría entre académicos, investigadores, profesionales de la comunicación, líderes comunitarios y estudiantes universitarios. Lo cual, concreta un movimiento epistemológico descolonizador en términos de participación, apostándole a la c
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onstrucción de conocimiento conjunta desde el diálogo de saberes, destrezas, experiencias y experticias. Adicionalmente, este libro está acompañado de la producción en comunicación, alojada en la página web de la cartografía digital que los socios comunitarios y académicos han realizado para hacer visibles sus trayectos, hallazgos y apuestas: dos piezas documentales audiovisuales que reconstruyen las experiencias de Multipropaz y de Comunal Estéreo, además de una pieza documental radial que reconstruye la experiencia de Cine pal barrio." (Cubierta del libro)
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"The remarkable commercial success of Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ in 2004 came as a surprise to the Hollywood establishment, particularly considering the film’s failure to find production funding through a major studio. Since then the Biblical epic, long thought dead in terms of mains
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tream marketability, has become a viable product. This collection examines the new wave of the genre, which includes such varied examples as Darren Aronofsky’s Noah (2014) and Ridley Scott’s Exodus: Gods and Kings (2014), along with the telenovelas of Latin America. Such texts follow previous traditions while appearing distinct both stylistically and thematically from the Biblical epic in its prime, making academic consideration timely and relevant. Featuring contributions from such scholars as Mikel J. Koven, Andrew B. R. Elliott and Martin Stollery, and a preface from Adele Reinhartz, the book will be of interest to students and scholars of film, television and religion." (Publisher description)
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"In the years since his death in 1993, Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar has become a globally recognized symbol of crime, wealth, power, and masculinity. In this long-overdue exploration of Escobars impact on popular culture, Aldona Bialowas Pobutsky shows how his legacy inspired the development of
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narcocultura— television, music, literature, and fashion representing the drug-trafficking lifestyle in Colombia and around the world. Pobutsky looks at the ways the “Escobar brand” surfaces in bars, restaurants, and clothing lines; in Colombia’s tourist industry; and in telenovelas, documentaries, and narco memoirs about his life, which in turn have generated popular interest in other drug traffickers such as Griselda Blanco and Miami’s “cocaine cowboys.” Pobutsky illustrates how the Colombian state strives to erase his memory while Escobar’s notoriety only continues to increase in popular culture through the transnational media. She argues that the image of Escobar is inextricably linked to Colombia’s internal tensions in the areas of cocaine politics, gender relations, class divisions, and political corruption and that his “brand” perpetuates the country’s reputation as a center of organized crime, to the dismay of the Colombian people." (Back cover)
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"Los artículos reunidos en esta publicación estudian los procesos electorales a partir de conceptos como enmarcamiento, polarización, cultura política, prominencia o deliberación, que hacen que la reflexión sea menos coyuntural y comprenda procesos de más largo aliento, con una pluralidad met
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odológica necesaria para un campo tan vasto y retador: análisis de noticias, redes sociales, estrategias políticas digitales y monitoreo de medios. En suma, este libro es una referencia esencial para pensar la política en el nuevo escenario tecnológico." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"Durante la pandemia de COVID-19, el 57% de los lectores de medios digitales en Argentina, Brazil, Colombia y Mexico ha aumentado su consumo de noticias. El 90% de los consumidores está accediendo a las noticias digitales por lo menos dos veces a la semana y el 78% por lo menos una vez al día. Las
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plataformas digitales ahora representan más de la mitad (53%) de todos los contenidos de noticias a los que se accede, lo que evidencia la creciente expansión de las plataformas digitales como las principales fuentes de noticias e información. En promedio, el 13% de los consumidores encuestados paga actualmente por lo menos por una suscripción o servicio de noticias. Aunque a primera vista modestas, estas cifras muestran que la predisposición a pagar por noticias digitales entre los consumidores es mayor que en algunos otros países, incluidos mercados establecidos como el Reino Unido (8%) y Alemania (10%) y no está muy lejos de los EE. UU. (20%). Para los consumidores que actualmente están suscriptos, dos de los factores más importantes a la hora de pagar son la capacidad de proporcionar un contenido de alta calidad (36%) y la credibilidad del medio de comunicación como fuente de información seria y fiable (34%). Además, la metodología MaxDiff encontró que para todos los encuestados, incluidos los que no pagan actualmente por las noticias, la independencia de los medios de comunicación de los poderes de turno se encuentra entre los factores más importantes." (Principales hallazgos, página 10-12)
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"The author summarizes approaches how TV stations, content platforms and media networks for children in South and Latin America respond to the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic." (Abstract)
"This is the true story of how, against all odds, a remote Mexican pueblo built its own autonomous cell phone network – without help from telecom companies or the government. Anthropologist Roberto J. González paints a vivid and nuanced picture of life in a Oaxaca mountain village and the collect
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ive tribulation, triumph, and tragedy the community experienced in pursuit of getting connected. In doing so, this book captures the challenges and contradictions facing Mexico's indigenous peoples today, as they struggle to wire themselves into the 21st century using mobile technologies, ingenuity, and sheer determination. It also holds a broader lesson about the great paradox of the digital age, by exploring how constant connection through virtual worlds can hinder our ability to communicate with those around us." (Back cover)
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"This article analyses how the political right in parts of the Global South has appropriate agendas and issues that in the past were often associated to the political left and presented them instead as their own. It does so by articulating narratives around poverty and social exclusion in the contex
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t of anti-globalisation and nationalistic discursive regimes that appeal to popular ‘common sense’. The piece explores this argument by examining the case of Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro. Reviewing a sample of Brazilian news media outlets and the type of messages in relation to poverty during the most recent presidential elections, it is suggested that by linking themes of social exclusion with nationalism in the news media, the political right has been able to explain poverty by means of increasing globalisation and liberalism and co-opt this agenda." (Abstract)
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