"A travers l'expérience de l'INRIC (Instance pour la Réforme de l'Information et de la Communication) en Tunisie, ce texte montre bien à la fois les défis et les difficultés auxquels sont confrontées les instances chargées de l'organisation du secteur des médias sur le continent africain. Co
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mment élaborer et imposer des critères clairs et objectifs pour attribuer les fréquences aux nouveaux opérateurs privés? Comment aider à la transformation des médias gouvernementaux en médias publics? Comment garantir les intérêts du public en imposant certains critères de professionnalisme aux médias locaux, mais aussi étrangers? Autant de questions qui se posent aujourd'hui en Tunisie, mais qui sont toujours d'actualité dans de nombreux pays d'Afrique subsaharienne où elles n'ont pas, jusqu'à présent, trouvé de réponse satisfaisante." (Introduction, page 9)
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"Recent history has proven that media propaganda can impact severely on human rights issues. This article aims at exploring what can be learnt from previous lessons in order to avoid the same mistakes happening again and/or to fight them more efficiently. It questions the experience of the former Yu
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goslavia in relation to the current developments in the Arab Spring countries. The propaganda theory is applied for an analysis of how the media were instrumentalized for political and nationalist goals under Milosevic’s regime. Through content discourse analysis, the techniques of media propaganda are described and analysed, and consequences are drawn. Although the situation varies from one case to another, widespread hate propaganda speeches in some Arab countries is a challenge to a successful political transition. This has been the case in Tunisia after the 2011 Revolution, where hatred messages have been widely spread by broadcast media and social networks. Propaganda theory has thus been applied to the specific case of broadcast television. The study shows that, contrary to some other countries, Tunisian society has its own peculiarities, and that it has succeeded in developing brakes that have reduced the scope and impact of propaganda messages of some extremist media. In view of past experiences, such as the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda, and in this context, this article also aims to demonstrate the full importance of the existence of quality public service media in the Tunisian case, and of an independent regulation of both traditional and social media. In its conclusion, this article also raises the question of social media regulation, which is all the more acute given that Tunisia is immersed in an environment where more and more hate content and stigmatization messages are developing." (Abstract)
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"The three photos of the drowned Syrian refugee kid Aylan Kurdi, the Palestinian kid Mohammad Al-Dorra (during the second Intifada) and the Vietnamese Napalm girl Phan Th. Kim Phúc, caused enormous influence, not only among millions of people but also on decision makers. Therefore, photojournalists
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are usually targeted by sides that are afraid to be exposed while committing violations or during wars. Especially that it is almost impossible to disapprove the credibility of photos taken on field. The profession of photojournalists requires them to be on field during the events and clashes regardless of the dangerousness that might face them, and usually photojournalists are at the forefront of their colleagues; which makes them subjected to attacks and injuries. The suffering of the photojournalists in Palestine while being physically assaulted is a clear example of the risks that led some journalist to pay the price whilst they implement their profession and how they are treated when their cameras exposes the perpetrators’ rifle. The number of violations against photojournalists in West Bank and Gaza Strip from the beginning of 2012 until the first half of 2015 reached 593. The Israeli occupation committed the large number and the most dangerous (469 violations); which equals 79% of all the violations, whereas the Palestinian sides committed 124 violations in both the West Bank and Gaza Strip." (Page 4)
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"This collection takes the study of diasporic communication beyond the level of simply praising its existence, to offering critical engagements and analysis with the systems of journalistic production, process and consumption practices as they relate to people who are living outside the borders of t
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heir birth nation." (Publisher description)
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"We are very happy to publish the second edition of The World through Picture Books, enriched with sixteen new annotated lists. This new edition proves even more the very enthusiastic, skilled participation of librarians and the great success of this international programme. The programme deals with
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something we children’s librarians must never lose sight of, even if we are so busy with new technologies, budget restrictions, everyday work…: read children’s books and choose the best ones for our readers. And what does “best” mean? One thing it surely means is very good books from the readers’ own country and from as many other countries as possible… This is why, inspired by Kazuko Yoda’s request to our Committee for advice on the” top ten” picture books in Committee members’ countries, we launched “The World through Picture Books” programme in 2011. Librarians from fifty-two countries (or parts of countries) have made their choices which we publish here, with book presentations in the thirty-seven languages of publication, together with the English translation. Papers on picture books in several countries were presented at IFLA conferences in Helsinki, Singapore and Lyon and are on-line. Thanks to publishers’ generosity, two sets of touring book exhibitions were made, that have been shown in Finland, Japan, Korea, Italy, France, Reunion Island and Serbia. These collections are based in the National Libraries of France and Japan and are available to be booked by any country wishing to exhibit them." (Foreword)
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"Although the concept of ‘Islamophobia’ is difficult to define it has been a source of heated discussion in academic work, public diplomacy, government policy and news media. Governments, social think tanks and various scholars have attempted to define Islamophobia in order to counter incidents
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of physical, legal or verbal abuse of Muslims, Islamic artifacts and symbols, etc. Those attempts tend to present Islamophobia as a global phenomenon, similar in all its occurrences and definable as a concrete observable fact. This article supports a move from Islamophobia singular to Islamophobia(s) plural by exploring notions of Islamophobia in Arab and Muslim online media. It is suggested that multiple, localized “Islamophobias” exist and that varying uses and understanding of the term may occur in that media. Furthermore, the article problematizes the emergence of the term and its sometimes over-simplified uses, stepping away from an ‘Us’ against ‘Them’ dichotomies. Through careful and thematic analysis of the sources, the political and religious apparatuses of “Islamophobias” are crystalized." (Abstract)
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"Vor dem Hintergrund der wirtschaftlichen Transformationsstrategie der VAE - Stichworte Emiratisierung und Diversifizierung - erscheint Dubais Medienpolitik in erster Linie als Medienwirtschaftspolitik, die dazu dient, den eigenen Standort im regionalen und globalen Wettbewerb um Investitionen zu st
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ärken. Die Media Cities sind weniger ein kulturpolitisches Projekt als ein Instrument in der wirtschaftlichen Transformationsstrategie des Emirats hin zu einer modernen kapitalistischen Produktionsweise." (Fazit, Seite 59)
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"Kuwait boasts high levels of political and media freedoms compared to many countries in the Middle East, and it enjoys a vibrant social media scene. The Kuwaiti parliamentary election in February 2012 was the first election in which candidates widely utilized Twitter during their campaigns. This ar
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ticle presents a content analysis of tweets sent by the 50 winning members of parliament (MPs) during the campaign period. It seeks to ascertain the Twitter usage patterns of MPs and determine whether Twitter was an effective tool in gaining votes. Although Twitter was widely used among MPs, it was employed less for information sharing or communicating about political issues and more for engaging with followers. This article concludes that no relationship existed between using Twitter and gaining votes. Rather, the social media platform acted as a natural extension of off-line interactions between MPs and the electorate." (Abstract)
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"Experience in conflicts, in former Yugoslavia, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Pakistan and Afghanistan over the past twenty years has shown that citizens with access to reliable, professional, and independent news and information must be a key element in any effort to support a sustainable resolution to conflict
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that will begin a political process that will stabilize the situation, counter extremism, ensure more democratic outcomes. Donor support to Syrian media has been critical to ensuring that the nascent independent media sector grew and survived as the conflict worsened. However, four years into the conflict, donors, implementers, and Syrians must re-evaluate their approach based on the changing nature of the conflict and the lessons learned from previous support efforts. In its coordination work with Syrians and media development professionals working on Syria projects since 2013, GFMD has developed the following summary recommendations for donors, implementers, and Syrian media: Long-term, flexible, and adequately funded donor engagement supporting independent media must play a key role in the response to the Syrian conflict [...] The Syrian audience must be central to donor projects, including support for understanding the news and information needs of the Syrian public and improving the distribution of independent media to the Syrian public [...] A comprehensive approach to the Syrian media sector will be most effective [...] Syrian media professionals, media development implementers, and donors must coordinate their work." (Executive summary, page 4-5)
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"This report documents attacks against journalists and the offices and facilities of media outlets since the 2011 uprising, including threats, assaults, kidnappings, and killings and addresses the failure of the government to protect journalists and the media, and hold perpetrators of attacks on the
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m accountable. Human Rights Watch is not aware of a single instance in which officials prosecuted a perpetrator of an attack against a journalist or media outlet since 2011. The report also documents criminal prosecutions of journalists for defamation and libel, on the basis of problematic laws that continue to unduly restrict freedom of expression." (Summary)
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"Die Medienstrategen des IS wissen, was das Publikum von ihnen erwartet. Ihr hämmernder Text, der Statements, Tweets, Videos, Bilder übertönt, wie hermetisch abgeriegelt ihr Reich ist. Sie bestimmen unser Bild vom "Islamischen Staat". Dafür etikettieren sie ihre Opfer um, leihen sich Tote und l
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gen sich ein Image zurecht." (Seite 230)
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"This briefing suggests that national broadcasters may have the potential to help to bridge social divides, if they can be reformed to serve the interests of the public rather than the state. In addition to their extensive infrastructure and reach, these institutions also have a cultural standing th
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at enables them to serve diverse audiences with programmes tailored to their needs and interests. But in order to realise that mission, these organisations will need to reorient their programming so that it responds less to government policies and more to the needs of citizens. Specifically, the briefing suggests that state broadcasters can do this by instilling the twin public service values of universality and diversity into their programming, underpinned by a clear commitment to editorial independence. Formats that enable inclusive dialogue, rational debate and clear and trusted information can, at least in theory, mitigate conflict by facilitating tolerance, mutual understanding and representation." (Executive summary)
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"Mit Blick auf die Rolle sozialer Netzwerkmedien in arabischen Gesellschaften lässt sich resümierend festhalten, dass durch deren vielfältige Nutzungsmöglichkeiten während Protestphasen und unter den restriktiven Bedingungen autoritärer Herrschaft übergreifende bürgerschaftliche Identitäten
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und protestorientierte Handlungsräume geschaffen werden können. Während einer Demokratisierung des politischen Systems, in der politische Strukturen neu- und umgebildet werden müssen, haben soziale Medien aber auch ein dysfunktionales Potential. Anstelle eines übergreifenden nationalen Dialogs werden vorhandene politische Polarisierungen verstärkt." (Fazit, Seite 72-73)
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