"This is a book about free speech narratives. Stories about how imagination and rational thinking in wildly different cultures capture, imagine, and conceptualize what freedom of speech means. 1989 and 2011 are only two recent (in historic perspective) turning points when freedom of speech and freed
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om of the press emerged, or at least powerful efforts were made to support its emergence, although disheartening backlashes followed in several countries. This book also tells many other free speech narratives that emerged, or evolved outside the frames of 1989 and 2011, also with several troublesome repercussions. The fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, the year of largely velvet revolutions (in the words of Vaclav Havel), brought freedom of speech to Central Europe and Eastern Europe. It also increased the hope that freedom of speech and democracy can prevail in more and more countries on the earth. This book examines, in some historic perspective, to what extent this hope has become reality since and prior to 1989, also in light of the Arab revolutions of 2011." (Introduction, page 1)
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"Transnationale arabische Satellitenfernsehsender sind immer noch die meistgenutzten Medien in fast allen Ländern der Region - sei es für Informationen oder Unterhaltung. Internetmedien werden ihnen vermutlich in den nächsten Jahren nicht den Rang ablaufen können. Stärkste Konkurrenz könnten w
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ieder nationale Fernsehangebote werden, wenn diese vielfältiger berichten und gleichzeitig besser auf lokale Themen fokussieren. Dies scheint im Libanon, dem Irak oder zeitweise Ägypten der Fall. Die transnationalen Fernsehsender sind nach wie vor Motoren für Innovationen, sie entwickeln neue Formate, setzen die Standards für professionelle Erscheinungsbilder und werden durch ihre Vernetzung mit den sozialen Netzwerken zunehmend cross-medial." (Seite 48)
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"Fast alle Medien des weit gefassten islamistischen Spektrums sind mit Ausnahme einiger weniger kommerzieller TV-Sender und Publikationen komplett von der Finanzierung ihrer "Mutterorganisationen" oder ihnen wohlgesinnter, oftmals ausländischer Staaten abhängig und werden somit zu politischen Inst
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rumenten degradiert. Die Vertreter aller islamistischen Strömungen - politischer Islam, Salafisten und schließlich die Jihadisten - werden weiterhin versuchen, ihre Medienpräsenz auszubauen und dabei alle ihnen zur Verfügung stehenden Technologien ausnutzen." (Fazit, Seite 127)
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"Gerade in Ländern des Globalen Südens gibt es eine beeindruckende Vielfalt kritischer Spielfilme aller Genres, vom Roadmovie bis zur Groteske. Mal sind sie explizit politisch, mal eher angedeutet und metaphorisch, um die Zensur zu umgehen oder um eindimensionale Interpretationen zu unterlaufen. I
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hre Filmstile, Themen, Kameraperspektiven, Schnitttechniken, Sprachen und Schauspielkünste mögen hiesige Sehgewohnheiten bisweilen irritieren – aber das ist gut so! Die postkolonialen hybriden Formen all dieser filmgestaltenden Mittel laden zu immer neuen gegenseitigen Entdeckungsreisen ein. Spielfilme sind ein wunderbares Medium der Verständigung über gesellschaftliche Unterschiede und Süd-Nord-Bezüge hinweg." (Editorial, seite 17)
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"As in much of the Arab World, satellite TV is almost ubiquitous in Iraq, present in 97.3% of households (versus 35.1% with radio and 50.4% with the Internet). Ethnic Kurds and those with a college degree are much more likely t han other Iraqis to have Internet access at home; those living in Anbar
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province are less likely than average to have it (21.9%), as are Iraqis with only some intermediate education or less (37.7%). More than nine in 10 Iraqis (92.2%) have their own mobile phone, and 35% have accessed the Internet via mobile device in the past week. The ongoing conflict has displaced many residents and has hindered their access to TV, radio, and the Internet. More than one-quarter (27.0%) of Iraqis say that they have been “displaced” in the past 12 months." (Page 1)
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"Collectively known as Hallyu, Korean music, television programs, films, online games, and comics enjoy global popularity, thanks to new communication technologies. In recent years, Korean popular culture has also become the subject of academic inquiry. Whereas the Hallyu's impact on Korea's nationa
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l image and domestic economy, as well as on transnational cultural flows, have received much scholarly attention, there has been little discussion of the role of social media in Hallyu's propagation. Contributors to Hallyu 2.0: The Korean Wave in the Age of Social Media explore the ways in which Korean popular cultural products are shared by audiences around the globe; how they generate new fans, markets, and consumers through social media networks; and how scholars can analyze, interpret, and envision the future of this unprecedented cultural phenomenon." (Publisher description)
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"This volume celebrates the tenth anniversary of the Endangered Archives Programme at the British Library, established to document and publish online formerly inaccessible and neglected archives from across the globe. From Dust to Digital showcases the historical signifi cance of the collections ide
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ntified, catalogued and digiti sed through the Programme, bringing together articles on 19 of the 244 projects supported since its inception. These contributions demonstrate the range of materials documented — including rock inscriptions, manuscripts, archival records, newspapers, photographs and sound archives — and the wide geographical scope of the Programme. Many of the documents are published here for the first time, illustrating the potential these collections have to further our understanding of history." (Back cover)
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"Reporting bias – the media's tendency to systematically underreport or overreport certain types of events – is a persistent problem for participants and observers of armed conflict. We argue that the nature of reporting bias depends on how news organizations navigate the political context in wh
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ich they are based. Where government pressure on the media is limited – in democratic regimes – the scope of reporting should reflect conventional media preferences toward novel, large-scale, dramatic developments that challenge the conventional wisdom and highlight the unsustainability of the status quo. Where political constraints on reporting are more onerous – in non-democratic regimes – the more conservative preferences of the state will drive the scope of coverage, emphasizing the legitimacy and inevitability of the prevailing order. We test these propositions using new data on protest and political violence during the 2011 Libyan uprising and daily newspaper coverage of the Arab Spring from 113 countries. We uncover evidence of a status-quo media bias in non-democratic states, and a revisionist bias in democratic states. Media coverage in non-democracies underreported protests and nonviolent collective action by regime opponents, largely ignored government atrocities, and overreported those caused by rebels. We find the opposite patterns in democratic states." (Abstract)
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"Wie verändert sich Journalismus in autoritären Regimen angesichts technischer, wirtschaftlicher und politischer Entwicklungen? Inwieweit können Medienakteure Wandel anstoßen? Mit welchen Mitteln versucht das Regime, steuernd einzugreifen? Judith Pies beantwortet diese Fragen anhand einer detail
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lierten Beobachtung des Journalismus in Jordanien. Sie beschreibt die Entwicklung professioneller Normen von 1989 bis 2007, analysiert die dahinter stehenden Akteure und bewertet ihre Relevanz für die journalistische Arbeit." (Klappentext)
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"This new study, a follow-up to 2007’s The Future of Journalism in the Advanced Democracies, includes a comparative analysis of possible alternative business models that may save the future of the quality news business across the developed, intermediate, and developing worlds. Its detailed evaluat
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ion encompasses also the different ways in which wider key issues are affecting the prospects for quality news as a core ingredient of effectively working democracies. It focuses on the United States, the United Kingdom, South Africa, India, Kenya, and selected parts of the Arab World, providing a detailed crosscultural survey of different approaches to addressing these various issues. To keep the study fi rmly rooted in the “real world” the contributors include distinguished practitioners as well as experienced academics." (Publisher description)
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"Im Kontext einer nord-süd-politisch relevanten Information interessiert besonders die Frage der Repräsentation, der Klischeebildung, der Ermächtigung. Ein Foto kann empathisch aufmerksam machen oder zur Schau stellen, aber auch Nähe erzeugen, berühren. Nicht immer folgt auf eine gute Absicht e
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ine gute Praxis. Entwürdigende Fotografie ist, wenn Menschen stilisiert oder als Platzhalter eingesetzt werden. Das kommt in der Fair-Trade-Werbung vor (S.25). Oder wenn sie – wie häufig in der Spendenwerbefotografie von Hilfswerken – viktimisiert werden. Das Foto einer Person kann etwas sehr Privates weltweit und öffentlich kundtun. So zum Beispiel das Foto eines Mädchens ohne Kleider, das – mit Entsetzen im Gesicht – vor dem Napalmangriff südvietnamesischer Flieger weg- und einem Pressefotografen entgegenläuft. Und damit den Augen von Millionen BetrachterInnen in der westlichen Welt, nachdem das Bild mit der Vergabe des World Press Photo Awards 1972 schließlich zum Symbol für die Grausamkeit des Vietnamkrieges wurde. Ein Foto kann Gewalt sichtbar machen. So vermag ein Bild von Gefangenen die Willkür ihrer Peiniger ausdrücken. Der Blick in eine Fabrikhalle mit einem Nähmaschinenpark kann den vernichtenden Charakter eines Systems darstellen. Ein Foto kann vom unmenschlichen Grauen erzählen. Oder es kann Verstoßene rehabilitieren; etwa wenn Personen ihre Versehrungen zeigen (S.17) und dabei Momente des Vertrauens und des Glücks zum Ausdruck bringen. Ein Foto kann Zuversicht schaffen. Der abgelichtete Moment eines Handschlages – wie zwischen Nelson Mandela und F.W. De Klerk – hat ein Zeitalter der Hoffnung auf das Ende der Apartheid eingeläutet. Ein Foto kann ermächtigen. Die Porträts von Trans-Personen der Aktivistin Zanele Muholi sind wie eine Ausstellung der Existenz des Schönen, der Liebe und des Menschseins gegen eine homophobe Stimmung (S.30). Die Kraft eines Fotos im emanzipatorischen Sinn – liegt oft in der Irritation. Ein kleiner Zweifel, ein kurzer Knacks im herrschenden Diskurs. Fotografie kann – das klingt schlicht – Sichtbarkeit schaffen. Die Fotos der Gruppe Lampedusa in Hamburg Professions (S.31), erinnern daran, dass hierzulande viele Menschen eine Vorliebe dafür hegen, sich über ihren Beruf in Wert zu setzten, anderen diese Repräsentation aber gerne aberkennen." (Editorial)
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"A review of the literature indicates a plethora of studies examining the coverage of Middle Eastern conflicts, but hardly any research has been explicitly framed as being developed from a peace/war journalism perspective. The current study, therefore, represents a substantive effort to remedy this
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deficiency. It examines the extent to which the 2010 Mavi Marmara incident is framed based on Johan Galtung’s classification of peace/war journalism. A content analysis of 156 online stories from Haaretz, The Guardian, and The New York Times suggests that overall differences exist among the war/peace narratives published in the three newspapers. The validity of few peace indicators used also was noted. The authors strongly advocate for the need to redefine indicators for peace journalism to reflect the concept as distinct from objective, and factual reporting." (Abstract)
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"The articles contained in this publication are dispatches from a new frontline in humanitarian action: the digital frontier. All are written by those observing, experiencing and attempting to respond to the challenges created by the digital revolution and the very real threats it is creating for hu
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manitarian operations, and exploring the potential of new tools to create a safer, more responsive operational environment for aid workers." (Page 5)
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"Die 'Grüne Bewegung', die Protestbewegung infolge der iranischen Präsidentschaftswahlen, machte im Sommer 2009 international Schlagzeilen. Das Mobiltelefon wurde dabei zum Symbol und zur Waffe des Volkes: Mit Handyfotos und -videos wurde das brutale Vorgehen der iranischen Machthaber gegen die Be
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völkerung in die Welt getragen. Inmitten des Kampfes um eine verheißungsvolle Neuordnung der iranischen Machtverhältnisse stand das Handyvideo vom Tod der jungen Iranerin Neda Agha-Soltan. Mareike Meis untersucht, wie sich die feminisierende und solidarisierende Wirkung dieses Todesvideos erklären lässt, wie das Mobiltelefon Symbolcharakter erlangte und wie der Deutungskampf um die iranische Protestbewegung in der deutschen Berichterstattung dargestellt wurde." (Klappentext)
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"We are pleased to be sharing with you the second yearbook on media and information literacy and intercultural dialogue. The first MILID Yearbook was published in June 2013 [...] The theme of the 2014 Yearbook is Global Citizenship in a Digital World. Global citizenship assumes ease of participation
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in global spaces in which persons are media and information literate and are equipped with competencies and attitudes to deal with the multi-faceted nature of a mediated world in which information is no longer bound by space or time. The unprecedented access to and use of media and Internet technologies for communication and collaboration especially among youth, suggest that effective strategies must be found to enable active critical inquiry and effective media production." (Foreword, page 7)
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"The paper synthesises findings from quantitative and qualitative data from across African, Asian and Middle Eastern countries. The second section draws on baseline data from Bangladesh, Burma, Kenya, Nepal, Nigeria, Palestinian Territories and Sierra Leone to explore the media and governance contex
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ts in the countries where we work. The third part then summarises what we are learning about who is being reached by BBC Media Action interventions. The fourth section, firstly, reports regression analysis conducted on baseline data from Sierra Leone and midline data from Kenya to build up evidence on the impact of debate and discussion programmes on audiences’ political knowledge and participation. Then findings are presented from a qualitative study assessing how Nigerian drama Story Story is promoting dialogue as a means of reducing conflict. Comparing findings across countries is helping us to learn more about the governance and media contexts in which we work and inform programming. A first glance at key governance outcomes across countries attests to the centrality of country context in shaping how political knowledge, discursive participation, political participation and interest in politics relate to each other. Disaggregating these outcomes by demographic variables underlines the importance of gender in structuring them, with women reporting lower levels of political knowledge and interest in politics, and discussing and participating in politics less than men. However, disaggregating political participation by income reveals less consistent results: in Nigeria and Bangladesh, those with more resources are more likely to participate, whereas in Kenya and Sierra Leone, those with more resources and less likely to participate." (Executive summary)
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"From Tehran to Tahrir Square to Gezi Park-to mention only three key sites of protest made prominent in 2013-social media has been lauded as one of the key factors enabling popular uprisings and social movements. This has provided further hype for new or digital media, which were already being toute
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d as a tool for social change, liberation, and the representation of marginalized or oppressed voices. In this essay, I argue not against new media per se but against technological determinism and fetishism. I argue that the transformative or repressive potential of different media changes dramatically across different sites of research and depends on the sociopolitical realities of the region being studied, including factors such as censorship, access, and infrastructure. Drawing on my research in Afghanistan, Iran, and Tajikistan, among other neighboring countries, I show the striking differences in the degree of effectiveness and ineffectiveness of different media in bringing about social change in those respective countries as well as regionally. Comparatively speaking, I focus on television and social media's catalytic role in stirring popular uprisings and the subsequent backlash and attack on those media. I also examine the gendered dimensions and dangers of media use and activism. In the case of Afghanistan, I consider the impact of international and transnational funding of media and human rights efforts. I conclude that in order for international interventions into local social movements to succeed, international experts in development, human rights, and media must take the lead from local residents and contexts, technologically and culturally, and work collaboratively with them." (Abstract)
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