"Every effort should be made to encourage Algeria to come into line with global standards on press freedom, market access and media ownership. Exchange of good practice, EU strategies and wider promotion of local broadcasting content can all create the opportunity to influence change in Algeria." (R
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ecommendations)
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"Women on average are 14% less likely to own a mobile phone than men, which translates into 200 million fewer women than men owning mobile phones. Women in South Asia are 38% less likely to own a phone than men, highlighting that the gender gap in mobile phone ownership is wider in certain parts of
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the world. Even when women own mobile phones, there is a significant gender gap in mobile phone usage, which prevents them from reaping the full benefits of mobile phone ownership. Women report using phones less frequently and intensively than men, especially for more sophisticated services such as mobile internet. In most countries, fewer women than men who own phones report using messaging and data services beyond voice. Cost remains the greatest barrier overall to owning and using a mobile phone, particularly for women, who often have less financial independence than men." (Executive summary)
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"Especially notable in the 2015 study is that most people access the internet on their phones rather than by laptop or desktop computers. That’s true in every country in our sample, except Egypt, where an ailing economy has slowed the adoption of new technologies common elsewhere in the region and
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most dramatically in the Gulf states of UAE and Qatar. In a few short years, people now spend more time on the internet than any other media, including the all-powerful television and radio (the most popular medium worldwide). The gap between the internet and other media grew from 2013 to 2015. Another dramatic change since 2013 is that the internet application WhatsApp has soared in use as some 93% of those in the study send direct messages to 84% who use e-mail, which is clearly losing ground." (Introduction)
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"Since the group calling itself “the Islamic State” (or “Islamic State of Iraq and AlSham”, ISIS) took control of Mosul in June 2014, this Iraqi city turned into a death trap for journalists, especially after the jihadist militant group seized all local media, getting hold of the full lists
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of reporters’ names and addresses. Soon after that, ISIS launched a major persecution campaign targeting all types of media workers, following a decision of its Sharia court accusing reporters of violating its instructions and leaking information to local and foreign media from within the city. By these practices, ISIS seeks sowing terror among media workers, intimidating journalists and preventing them from doing their job, thus forcing them to self-censorship. In this report, compiled over three months, Journalistic Freedoms Observatory (JFO) and Reporters Without Borders (RWB) shed light on the crimes committed by ISIS against journalists and their assistants in northern Iraq. Between 10 June 2014 and the date of publication of this report, JFO – RWB’s partner organization in Iraq – registered 48 kidnappings committed by ISIS against journalists, media assistants and students in journalism since the extremist organization took control of the city. Among those kidnapped, 13 were executed in different brutal ways after being accused of «treason and espionage»." (Page 3)
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"Although in the decade 1995 to 2005 there was a slow but steady increase in women’s visibility in the news, the decade 2005 to 2015 has been one of stagnation. At 24% of the total, there has been no change in women’s share of news-making roles in the traditional media (newspapers, radio, televi
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sion) since 2010, and indeed almost none since 2005 when women were 23% of newsmakers. The new digital media (Internet and Twitter news) offer little comfort. Here too, women were only 26% of people in the news in 2015. Across all media, women were the central focus of just 10% of news stories – exactly the same figure as in 2000. Since 2005 the percentage of stories reported by women has been static at 37%, and there has been almost no movement in the proportion of news that challenges gender stereotypes – just 4% of the total in 2015." (Foreword, page 1)
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"With 4 million refugees in neighbouring countries and six and a half million Internally Displaced Persons within Syria, communication tools have become critical for the Syrian population to maintain contact with their family and friends both inside and outside the country. The costs associated with
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phone calls and internet communication are relatively high, indicating that maintaining communication channels with family and friends is a priority regardless of the associated costs. In addition to the high costs related to communication and social media use, electricity remained a critical barrier to internet access. Batteries and internet cafes were the main coping measures used; however these could be costly and not always readily available. Another barrier to the use of social media platforms was privacy protection concerns related to both the reliability of privacy settings of one’s personal account and publications, which might limit the usage of social media platform to communicate sensitive information. Nonetheless, information published on all social media platforms was reported to be trusted by a large majority of key informants." (Conclusion)
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"Adopting a truly global, theoretical and multidisciplinary perspective, Media Pluralism and Diversity intends to advance our understanding of media pluralism across the globe. It compares metrics that have been developed in different parts of the world to assess levels of, or threats to, media plur
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alism." (Publisher description)
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"This research study examines and assesses the progress of media development work in the Southern Mediterranean region in the wake of the Arab Spring. It highlights the challenges faced by international agencies and presents examples of effective, innovative interventions that could help to shape be
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st practice in this field." (Executive summary)
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"This study aims to identify Jordanian journalists’ awareness of the basic concepts of journalistic professionalism by addressing four sets of media quality standards, as abstracted from several studies. Notable among those sets are journalistic content standards, the performance quality standards
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of newsrooms, institutional standards, and standards of news selection. Furthermore, the study attempts to identify the difference between an awareness of specific standards of professionalism and quality, and a realization of media institutions’ actual practices. The responses of 200 journalists revealed a reasonable awareness of the basic concepts of quality and professionalism. However, there was a gap between Jordanian journalists’ realization of quality and professionalism standards and media institutions’ actual applications of those standards. By way of concluding, this study recommended that media institutions should adopt quality concepts. In addition, they should bridge the gap between standards and actual media practices by means of independence protection; separation between ownership and editing; and restraining external intervention. Also, media institutions should work towards increasing the level of their performance quality with respect to localism standards, their use of sources, pluralism, accuracy, social responsibility, criteria of news selection, and preparing relevant guidelines." (Abstract)
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"During the years of Ba'athist dictator Saddam Hussein, media personnel were under tight control and tortured or executed when they strayed from the government line. In the decade following the fall of the Ba'athist regime, thousands of Iraqi journalists were trained in liberal democratic profession
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al norms, and hundreds of news outlets opened even as some of the old patronage practices and violence continued. This study utilized Shoemaker and Reese's hierarchy of influences model to examine factors influencing a proxy indicator for professional ethics, the value of conflict of interest avoidance among a purposive sample of Iraqi journalists (N = 588). We found that the news media routines and ideological levels, though not strong, had the greatest influences on this conflict of interest avoidance perception criterion indicator, the proxy for professional ethics. The findings suggest a tension between liberal democratic journalism training at the routines level and ideological aspects, in some cases, such as ethnic identity and political ideology. Strong influences on perceptions of conflict of interest avoidance were the type of media platform/Western journalism training, Arab ethnicity over Kurdish ethnicity, ideology of "democrat" over Kurdish nationalist or Islamist. No influence was apparent for Internet use frequency or state versus nonstate media." (Abstract)
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"La présente étude, menée entre juillet 2014 et janvier 2015, est basée sur plus de 45 entretiens approfondis, sur 130 candidatures reçues par CFI dans le cadre de sa compétition EBTICAR-Média1, soutenue par l’U.E., ainsi que sur l’analyse de nombreux rapports, articles et essais. Cette
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tude tente de fournir une vue d’ensemble du paysage complexe, protéiforme et mouvant des médias en ligne dans le monde arabe." (Page 5)
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"Internet freedom around the world has declined for the fifth consecutive year, with more governments censoring information of public interest and placing greater demands on the private sector to take down offending content. State authorities have also jailed more users for their online writings, wh
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ile criminal and terrorist groups have made public examples of those who dared to expose their activities online. This was especially evident in the Middle East, where the public flogging of liberal bloggers, life sentences for online critics, and beheadings of internet-based journalists provided a powerful deterrent to the sort of digital organizing that contributed to the Arab Spring. In a new trend, many governments have sought to shift the burden of censorship to private companies and individuals by pressing them to remove content, often resorting to direct blocking only when those measures fail. Local companies are especially vulnerable to the whims of law enforcement agencies and a recent proliferation of repressive laws. But large, international companies like Google, Facebook, and Twitter have faced similar demands due to their significant popularity and reach." (Page 1)
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"This collection of essays and interviews offers perspectives on traumatic experience from the social and public side of the equation. Like other books in the Palgrave Macmillan Memory Studies Series, it is concerned with redressing the balance of public memory through a focus on what has been negle
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cted or excluded, but traumatic memory poses special problems in this regard. Andrew Hoskins and John Sutton, the series editors, suggest that the question of how we remember has become central to historical enquiry, but the question itself is fraught with complexity. Generational change and new technologies of memory are reshaping the ways in which memory works, and the influence of trauma narratives is a factor in this. They pose another question: ‘What is “memory” under such conditions?’ Here, we focus on the distance between traumatic narratives in the public domain, and the experience of traumatic recall in the mind of a person who has been directly affected by extreme events." (Introduction, page 1)
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"The Libyan security landscape is broadly divided into two camps: revolutionary-Islamist and institutionalist-conservative. The country’s resurgent media sector is split along similar lines. This polarization and related partistan reporting reinforce polarization among security sector actors and t
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he public and could further undermine established peace in Libya. Media narratives dominating Libya’s security sector revolve around three axes: whether actors are legal or illegal, whether they supported or opposed the 2011 revolution, and whether they are correct or deviant Muslims. Security actors use these narratives to build their legitimacy. Of the three channels monitored, Libya Al Ahrar was the most balanced but displayed a cautiously anti-Islamist, institutionalist agenda. Al Nabaa was mainstream Islamist and a staunch supporter of revolutionary units, such as the Libyan Shield Force. Libya Awalan was strongly anti-Islamist, conservative, and a vocal supporter of Haftar’s actions in Benghazi. Libyans have little trust in any of the main regional and Libyan national television channels, including the national broadcaster, Libya Al Wataniyah, which fares no better than the private channels." (Summary)
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"A travers l'expérience de l'INRIC (Instance pour la Réforme de l'Information et de la Communication) en Tunisie, ce texte montre bien à la fois les défis et les difficultés auxquels sont confrontées les instances chargées de l'organisation du secteur des médias sur le continent africain. Co
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mment élaborer et imposer des critères clairs et objectifs pour attribuer les fréquences aux nouveaux opérateurs privés? Comment aider à la transformation des médias gouvernementaux en médias publics? Comment garantir les intérêts du public en imposant certains critères de professionnalisme aux médias locaux, mais aussi étrangers? Autant de questions qui se posent aujourd'hui en Tunisie, mais qui sont toujours d'actualité dans de nombreux pays d'Afrique subsaharienne où elles n'ont pas, jusqu'à présent, trouvé de réponse satisfaisante." (Introduction, page 9)
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"Recent history has proven that media propaganda can impact severely on human rights issues. This article aims at exploring what can be learnt from previous lessons in order to avoid the same mistakes happening again and/or to fight them more efficiently. It questions the experience of the former Yu
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goslavia in relation to the current developments in the Arab Spring countries. The propaganda theory is applied for an analysis of how the media were instrumentalized for political and nationalist goals under Milosevic’s regime. Through content discourse analysis, the techniques of media propaganda are described and analysed, and consequences are drawn. Although the situation varies from one case to another, widespread hate propaganda speeches in some Arab countries is a challenge to a successful political transition. This has been the case in Tunisia after the 2011 Revolution, where hatred messages have been widely spread by broadcast media and social networks. Propaganda theory has thus been applied to the specific case of broadcast television. The study shows that, contrary to some other countries, Tunisian society has its own peculiarities, and that it has succeeded in developing brakes that have reduced the scope and impact of propaganda messages of some extremist media. In view of past experiences, such as the former Yugoslavia or Rwanda, and in this context, this article also aims to demonstrate the full importance of the existence of quality public service media in the Tunisian case, and of an independent regulation of both traditional and social media. In its conclusion, this article also raises the question of social media regulation, which is all the more acute given that Tunisia is immersed in an environment where more and more hate content and stigmatization messages are developing." (Abstract)
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