"This book examines the challenges and pressures liberal journalists face in Putin's Russia. It presents the findings of an in-depth qualitative study, which included ethnographic observations of editorial meetings during the conflict in Ukraine. It also provides a theoretical framework for evaluati
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ng the Russian media system and a historical overview of the development of liberal media in the country. The book focuses on some of Russia’s most influential liberal national news outlets: "the deadliest" newspaper Novaya Gazeta, "Russia’s last independent radio station" Radio Echo of Moscow (Ekho Moskvy) and US Congress-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. The fieldwork included ethnographic observations of editorial meetings, long interviews with editors and journalists as well as documentary analysis. The monograph makes theoretical contributions to three main areas: 1. Media systems and terms of reference. 2. Journalism: cultures, role conceptions, and relationship with power, culture and society. 3. Mediatisation of conflict and nationhood." (Abstract)
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"Poland has become a crucial battleground in the drive by authoritarian-minded leaders to gain control over political discourse and limit media pluralism. The Law and Justice government has sought to control the media as part of a broader push to weaken checks and balances and silence independent vo
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ices. By rejecting the media’s independence, the government is deepening polarization within Poland. The fate of media freedom in Poland will herald either the continued march of populist authoritarianism around the world or a turning of the tide and a new period of democratic resilience. The EU and Poland’s allies, including the United States, should make clear that Poland’s best interests lie in respecting the media’s independence and allowing a diversity of views to flourish." (Key findings)
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"The report provides an overview of the most recent rules, case law and policies across Europe with regard to the privileges that are given to journalists when exercising their activities. As a rule, when identifying the relevant legal aspects, three features are taken into account: the correspondin
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g provisions shall a) be aimed at guaranteeing through special information rights that media are able to fulfil their opinion-shaping function, b) ensure through special procedural mechanisms that freedom of the media is safe from state interference, and/or c) prevent people affected by media reporting from being in a position to suppress it under civil or criminal law without taking into account the freedom of the media." (Foreword)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"The tension between blasphemy laws and the freedom of expression in modern times is a key area of debate within legal academia and beyond. With contributions by leading scholars, this volume compares blasphemy laws within a number of Western liberal democracies and debates the legitimacy of these l
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aws in the twenty- first century. Including comprehensive and up-to-date comparative country studies, this book considers the formulation of blasphemy bans, relevant jurisprudential interpretations, the effect on society, and the ensuing convictions and penalties where applicable. It provides a useful historical analysis by discussing the legal-political rationales behind the recent abolition of blasphemy laws in some Western states. Contributors also consider the challenges to the tenability of blasphemy laws in a selection of well- balanced theoretical chapters. This book is essential reading for scholars working within the fields of human rights law, philosophy and sociology of religion and comparative politics." (Publisher description)
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"With regards to professional role orientations, Hungarian journalists found it most important to report things as they are, to be a detached observer, and to provide analysis of current affairs (see Table 1). The relevance of these “classic” roles was fairly undisputed among the interviewed jou
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rnalists as the relatively low standard deviations indicate. Still, a majority of journalists in Hungary found it important to promote tolerance and cultural diversity, to tell stories about the world, to educate the audience, to provide entertainment and relaxation, to provide the kind of news that attracts the largest audience, to provide advice, orientation and direction for daily life, to let people express their views, and to support national development. Political roles, on the other hand, were supported by only a minority of respondents. Following traits belong to these roles: motivating people to participate in political activity, setting the political agenda, acting as adversary of the government, supporting government policy, and conveying a positive image of political leadership." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"The main points regarding the freedom of expression decrease in Ukraine include: the restriction of access to information channels (Russian books, TV channels, films, social networks, mail servers, etc.); persecution, in particular the detention and imprisonment of citizens expressing separatist vi
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ews in social networks; a mass prohibition on Russian journalists entering Ukraine, and those who were on temporarily uncontrolled territory (Crimea and Donbas). This is especially true for those who arrived in the area from the Russian Federation. In addition to this, so-called “patriotic” or loyalty-journalism became active as some journalists believe that in terms of war it is more important to participate in the information war against the enemy than just to be non-biased. Here also belong the calls not to criticize the authorities during war period, and the prolonged understatement of crimes committed by individual fighters of volunteer battalions. This led to a rapid fall of trust to Ukrainian media. According to the Institute of Sociology, the National Academy of Science of Ukraine, in 2016, only 21% of Ukrainian citizens trusted domestic media, while 51% did not. However, Ukrainian journalists should clearly understand their social role. In general, Niclas Louman is right, saying that we know about the world is taken from media. But if the media give a biased image, the audience will stop trusting. This is so, if a person is looking behind the window, and observes a different situation from that one previously watched or read. The audience is not helpless. It is possible to cheat on people once or twice but after all they will not believe this source of information anymore. This is a real tragedy for media as they lose the sense of existing. Thus, the goal of media as the information source is not just to report all recent news to the target audience, but also to ensure that the virtual picture of the world corresponds to the real one." (Editor's note, page 6)
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"In 2016, television broadcasts were watched by 80 percent of the population, Slovak citizens did watch more programmes in their non-mother tongue than in other EU countries." (https://medialandscapes.org)
"While other studies have shown that mass media can influence a person's attitudes and opinions in the region, none has explored what effect social media can have on orientations toward democracy in the region. In the following paper, I build several hypotheses based on previous studies of media eff
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ects and democratic survival. I then employ survey data to empirically test whether social media increases support for democracy. The study finds that not only does using social media increase support for democracy, but also simple usage rather than information seeking provides more consistent effects on a person's support for democracy in CEE." (Abstract)
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"With regard to professional role orientations, Russian journalists found it most important to report things as they are and to educate the audience. The relevance of these roles was fairly undisputed among the interviewed journalists as the relatively low standard deviations indicate. Likewise, the
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re was a strong consensus among the respondents over the little importance of supporting government policy and conveying a positive image of political leadership. Still, a majority of journalists in Russia found it important to provide advice, orientation and direction for daily life, to advocate for social change, to provide the kind of news that attracts the largest audience, to provide analysis of current affairs, to tell stories about the world, to be a detached observer, to let people express their views, to promote tolerance and cultural diversity, and to support national development. Politically more assertive roles, on the other hand, were supported by only a minority of respondents. Following traits belong to these roles: influencing public opinion, setting the political agenda, and acting as adversary of the government." (Journalistic roles, pages 1-2)
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"Journalists from 17 countries, mostly around the Mediterranean, have examined the quality of media coverage within their respective national contexts. They highlight examples of good work marked by careful, sensitive and humanitarian reporting and also expose the shortcomings as well as the darker
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side of media driven by political bias, hate speech and opportunism. The conclusions from many different parts of the Mediterranean are similar; there are inspirational examples of journalism at its best – stylish, resourceful, and painstaking – and equally powerful instances of media stereotyping and social exclusion. But everywhere the study paints a picture of journalists and journalism under pressure: of under-resourced media unable to provide the time and money needed to tell the story in context; of poorly trained journalists uninformed about the complex nature of the migration narrative; of newsrooms vulnerable to pressure and manipulation by voices of hate, whether from political elites or social networks. The influence of social media cannot be underestimated in an age when many, if not most, consumers get their information firstly from social networks and through their mobile devices. The publisher is more likely to be a major internet company, such as Facebook, which requires fresh thinking on how to promote core standards of journalism in covering migration on all platforms." (Executive summary)
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"This study examines the existence of criminal defamation and insult laws in the territory of the 57 participating States of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). In doing so, it offers a broad, comparative overview of the compliance of OSCE participating States’ legislat
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ion with international standards and best practices in the field of defamation law and freedom of expression. The primary purpose of the study is to identify relevant provisions in law. Although the study does include examples of the usage of these provisions, it is not an analysis of legal practice [...] The study is divided into two sections. The first section offers conclusions according to each of the principal categories researched and in reference to international standards on freedom of expression. The second section provides the detailed research findings for each country, including relevant examples. As the study’s title suggests, the primary research category is general criminal laws on defamation and insult. However, this study also covers special laws protecting the reputation or honour of particular persons or groups of people (e.g., presidents, public officials, deceased persons); special laws protecting the ‘honour’ of the state and state symbols; and blasphemy and religious insult laws." (About this study, page 2)
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"In Russia, the state controls strategic media (such as national TV), and restricts independent media and the internet through increasingly repressive legislation. However, there is still some scope for media pluralism, with a few outlets openly criticising the authorities." (Page 1)
"In this volume of essays edited by Anya Schiffrin, media capture is shown to be a growing phenomenon linked both to the resurgence of authoritarian governments as well as to the structural weaknesses presently afflicting media markets. In this environment, political figures and economic elites are
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colluding to undermine the independence of privately-owned media, and efforts to stop this collusion by activists, regulators, and the international community have proven to be ineffective." (Publisher description)
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"Recent media policy developments in Poland attract wide media coverage and the attention of governmental and non-governmental international and national organisations and bodies. This article aims at putting the debated regulatory changes into a relevant context through policy analysis. The normati
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ve concept against which the change will be tested, is media pluralism. Why? The concept of media pluralism is often viewed as an important condition for a well-functioning and democratic public sphere and media, while also incorporating political, economic and cultural value dimensions." (Page 197)
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"This report identifies eight basic types of harassment present in Hungary: rhetorical aggression; trolling; bullying; threats; public shaming; violation of personal privacy; cyber attacks and site hacking; and malicious social media activity. The study found that the most common types of online har
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assment are trolling and rhetorical aggression, which are experienced by Hungarian online journalists on a daily basis through both public and private channels. Overall, comments made through private channels are more severe. Facebook comments are generally the least aggressive in nature, followed by comment sections under individual articles. Abusive messages sent via private channels (email, Facebook messages) are the most aggressive and straightforward. Many journalists agreed that the most disturbing element of online harassment is not necessarily the harshness or explicit nature of comments but the frequency and overwhelming persistence of them." (Executive summary)
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"The present study examines current legislation and court practice in Hungary regarding civil law violations of rights to reputation, privacy and likeness, with a particular focus on trends in terms of awarding non-pecuniary damages/restitution. Through an analysis of relevant legislation and a pres
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entation of cases connected with the press, it critiques the current situation in terms of limitations on freedom of expression. Personality rights in this context is a difficult area of jurisprudence, as it involves the consideration and balancing of two important values and constitutional rights: freedom of expression on the one hand and the rights to reputation, privacy and likeness on the other. This balancing act requires the interpretation of very succinctly worded legislative texts and rulings by the Constitutional Court with the help of the guidelines issued by the Supreme Court (also known as the Kúria). Another difficulty for the judiciary is the recent increase in Hungary of cases in which politicians turn to the courts to seek relief for injuries they allege to have suffered, hoping to obtain a judgment that will put an end to political and societal controversies in which they are involved." (Introduction)
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