"This paper focuses on developmental assistance for new media in years 2007–2017 provided by Poland as donor in its priority partner country – Ukraine. The support given to Ukrainian journalists and media outlets fits Polish democracy assistance strategy within Official Development Assistance (O
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DA). In principle, media assistance aims to improve freedom of speech and freedom of press, and in longer perspective to contribute to the consolidation of democracy. Poland is involved in supporting pro-democratic changes in Ukraine, including media assistance, on the basis of development cooperation act (2013), multiannual development cooperation programmes (2012–2015, 2016–2020) and annual plans (2007–2017). In years 2008–2013 the support for Ukrainian media was maintained and intensified in 2014–2016 in connection with the implementation of ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’ dedicated to media assistance and local governance assistance. After the expiration of this program, no more funds were allocated by MFA in 2016–2017 to NGOs activities aimed at promoting the development of independent media. A first bilateral Polish-Ukrainian project concerning new media assistance and financed by Polish Aid was financed in 2012. Since then, NGOs started to include digital literacy and new technologies in projects’ proposals. The trainings of journalists in e.g. new online tools or direct support for establishing digital media outlets were continued until 2016. Six out of eleven media assistance projects implemented within ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’ responded to the need of strengthening online media and improving journalists’ skills. Poland seemed also to target its media assistance regarding the needs of Ukraine as recipient of aid. Such tendency was visible on the example of shifts of beneficiaries in 2014–2015. While before the outbreak of armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia Polish support had rather nationwide character, in 2014–2015 many projects concentrated on delivering aid to journalists and media from Eastern Ukraine. The vast majority of project was addressed to professional journalists gaining experiences in working online, while there was no significant interest in empowering Ukrainian bloggers or citizen journalists." (Summary, page 190-191)
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"Journalists in many countries are experimenting with how to build trust and engage with audiences, and our report examines their efforts. In our study we profile organizations that are working to build bridges with their readers, viewers and listeners and deliver relevant news to local audiences. W
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e surveyed 17 organizations and conducted interviews with representatives of 15 organizations, one of which chose to remain anonymous. Among others we spoke to Chequeado in Argentina, GroundUp in South Africa, Raseef 22 in the Middle East, 263 Chat in Zimbabwe, Krautreporter and Correct!v in Germany, as well as Bristol Cable in the UK [...] Although the groups we surveyed are concerned by the broader phenomena of falling trust in media and media credibility, they are also, by necessity, focused on immediate fixes important to their organizations and readerships. Some believe that media credibility depends on engagement with readers. Some place more emphasis on journalism practices, including audience engagement, ethical standards and news gathering practices. The outlets we profiled use digital technology to communicate with audiences. Some also involve their readers in sourcing and sometimes verifying information. Some conduct focus groups and online surveys. Responding to comments online is part of their engagement efforts. Readers appreciate investigative reporting as well as stories that touch on their daily lives [...] There seems to be a tradeoff between audience size and the quality of content produced. Some groups with large followings (Hivisasa and 263Chat) promote headlines and short snippets rather than carrying out deep investigative reporting [...] Several groups said their audience is different from what their founders had originally expected. The reach of the outlets we surveyed is generally not as diverse as they had hoped. Their audiences tend to be educated and urban and, in some cases, include large diaspora communities. The outlets largely cater to niche audiences, but they have broader reach through their online presence and national influence when their stories are picked up by legacy media or other outlets." (https://gijn.org, accessed: June 8, 2018)
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"This paper analyzes the subsystem of religious media in Russia, with a focus on Christian media and their place in Russia’s media system in the context of “networkization”. The dilemma faced by the Russian Orthodox Church in coming to terms with new digital communication technologies, and the
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‘pros’ and ‘cons’ of using social networks, are considered by specialists in the field. The author underscores three problem areas for Christian media in Russia: (1) the requirement that journalistic endeavors remain subordinate to the goals of proselytization and public relations; (2) a blurry understanding of the target audience, and (3) the use of a barely understandable archaic ecclesiastical language. The author hypothesizes that some recent approaches to the challenge of “networkization” on the part of Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant thinkers may hold promising solutions to the problem." (Abstract)
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"Maria Repnikova reveals the webs of an uneasy partnership between critical journalists and the state in China. More than merely a passive mouthpiece or a dissident voice, the media in China also plays a critical oversight role, one more frequently associated with liberal democracies than with autho
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ritarian systems. Chinese central officials cautiously endorse media supervision as a feedback mechanism, as journalists carve out space for critical reporting by positioning themselves as aiding the agenda of the central state. Drawing on rare access in the field, Media Politics in China examines the process of guarded improvisation that has defined this volatile partnership over the past decade on a routine basis and in the aftermath of major crisis events. Combined with a comparative analysis of media politics in the Soviet Union and contemporary Russia, the book highlights the distinctiveness of Chinese journalist-state relations, as well as the renewed pressures facing them in the Xi era." (Publisher description)
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"What were Soviet influence and disinformation campaigns? What did the West do about them? This study answers these questions, explaining the Cold War strategies followed by the USSR, as well as the Western response. Eleven case studies follow, each one examining a counter-disinformation tactic in d
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epth, with comments on the relevance of that tactic today. The first seven case studies focus on defensive tactics aimed at stopping Soviet propaganda in the West, while the latter four focus on offensive tactics used to promote accurate information and democratic messages to the USSR and beyond. The conclusion features a deeper examination of the difference between modern Russian propaganda and its Soviet antecedents." (Abstract)
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"The media and political systems of former communist countries in Central/Eastern Europe share a number of similarities with those in Southern Europe. According to Karol Jakubowicz, these similarities also include late democratisation, a weak middle class, marked social and economic differences, a s
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trong catholicism, etc. Where are the third-wave democracies to date, particularly as regards their media systems? And where are they heading for? This volume with his differents talks of a joint conference in 2016 attempts to answer these questions and many more." (Publisher description)
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"This article investigates the use of social media for visual framing of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Using a large set of visual data from a popular social networking site, Vkontakte, the authors employ content analysis to examine how the conflict was represented and interpreted in pro-Ukrainia
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n and pro-Russian online communities during the peak of violence in summer 2014. The findings point to the existence of profound differences in framing the conflict among pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian online communities. The former tended to interpret the conflict as a limited military action against local insurgents, whereas the latter presented it as an all-out war against the Russian population of Eastern Ukraine. The article suggests that framing the conflict through social media facilitated the propagation of mutually exclusive views on the conflict and led to the formation of divergent expectations in Ukraine and Russia concerning the outcome of the war in Donbas." (Abstract)
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"In the period after the fall of communism, peculiar new obstacles to media independence have arisen. They include the telltale structure of media ownership, with news reporting being concentrated in the hands of politically engaged business tycoons, the fuzzy and contradictory legislation of the me
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dia realm, and the informal institutions of political interference in mass media. The book analyzes interrelationships between politics, the economy, and media in Ukraine, especially their shadowy sides guided by private interests and informal institutions. Being embedded in comparative politics and post-Communist media studies, it helps to understand the nature and workings of the Ukrainian media system situated in-between democracy and authoritarianism." (Publisher description)
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"Trust is a societal value that is difficult to gain and easy to lose. This article deals with the levels of trust that journalists working in eight post-authoritarian and post-totalitarian countries (Argentina, Bangladesh, Brazil, Czech Republic, Indonesia, Latvia, South Africa and Tanzania) have i
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n various social institutions using data from the present Worlds of Journalism Study. In each country, results showed the level of trust in journalists’ own institution—the media—is higher than the level of trust in both political and regulative institutions. The expression of low trust, particularly in regulative institutions, in the sampled countries represents significantly different results from previous studies about journalists’ trust in countries with longer democratic traditions." (Abstract)
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"Although television is still the number one media for Ukrainians, it continues to lose its audience share. The positions taken by other traditional media (e.g. radio, print) remain stable. The growth in the size of the online population has stagnated and the number of internet users and those getti
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ng news from social networks has decreased, which could have been caused by restrictions to access to popular social networks and websites in Ukraine (e.g. VKontakte, Odnoklassniki). The share of passive media audience is increasing - over a one month period, a higher number of people did not use media to obtain news. This is especially true when it comes to younger audiences." (Key findings, page 5)
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"The report is based on a survey of more than 70,000 people in 36 markets, along with additional qualitative research, which together make it the most comprehensive ongoing comparative study of news consumption in the world. A key focus remains in Europe where we have added Slovakia, Croatia, and Ro
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mania for the first time – but we have also added four markets in Asia (Taiwan, Hong Kong, Malaysia, and Singapore) along with three additional Latin American countries (Argentina, Chile, and Mexico) [...] In particular we have focused on two areas: (1) the extent to which people are prepared to pay for news or the different ways journalism might be funded in the future, and (2) understanding more about some of the drivers of low, and in some cases declining, trust in the media. For the first time we’ve attempted to measure and visualise relative levels of media polarisation across countries and identify a link between media polarisation and trust. Another focus has been on the media’s relationship with platforms – in particular how news is discovered and consumed within distributed environments such as social media, search, and online aggregators." (Foreword)
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"In recent years, more and more social media (Facebook) groups have been created dealing with memories of the Holocaust in Hungary. In this article, I analyze and compare two groups, “The Holocaust and My Family” and “The Descendants of the Victims and Survivors of the Holocaust” in the fram
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ework of my research project on the concept of digital trauma processing, entitled “Trauma Studies in the Digital Age: The Impact of Social Media on Trauma Processing in Life Narratives and Trauma Literature: the Case of Hungary.” I show how the concept of trauma and trauma processing itself are changing in the digital age as a consequence of the element of sharing (in posts and comments in digital media) gains more importance and thus counteracts the element of silence, which was considered the most important element of trauma on several levels. How does digital sharing of memories of traumas help unblock previously blocked avenues to the past, and how does it contribute to the processing of collective historical traumas and consequently to the mobilization of memories, modernization, and the transformation of identities? I examine how the given characteristics of the different types of Facebook groups, public or closed, influence the ways in which people communicate about a collective historical trauma. I touch upon the issue of research ethics in connection with the handling of sensitive data in social media research. I examine the book The Holocaust and My Family, a collection of posts from the group, and analyze as a case study a post and the related comments, in which a descendant of a perpetrator comes out in the group." (Abstract)
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"Social media is becoming an increasingly important part of our lives yet the impact on people with disabilities has gone largely unscrutinised. Similarly, while social media and disability are often both observed through a focus on the Western, developed and English-speaking world, different global
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perspectives are often overlooked. This collection explores the opportunities and challenges social media represents for the social inclusion of people with disabilities from a variety of different global perspectives that include Africa, Arabia and Asia along with European, American and Australasian perspectives and experiences." (Publisher description)
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"While a few much-needed improvements can be reported for the 2017 Europe & Eurasia Media Sustainability Index (MSI), overall there are signs of continued and worsening challenges facing those who wish to create and support a vibrant information system in the 21 countries studied in this volume [...
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] Apart from Belarus, there is not much in the way of positive news in this year’s MSI. Taken together, only nine objective scores, scattered among six countries, showed any meaningful improvement: Romania, Serbia, and Ukraine experienced improvement in two objective scores while Bulgaria, Kosovo, and Uzbekistan each had one objective show improvement. Belarus was the only country whose overall score improved by a tenth of a point or more. Five other countries showed only marginal overall improvement." (Executive summary)
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"Since 2012, Russian authorities have intensified a crackdown on free expression, treating criticisms of the government as threats to state security and public stability and curbing privacy online. The government has introduced significant restrictions to online expression and invasive surveillance
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of online activity. Based on more than 50 interviews with lawyers, journalists, editors, political and human rights activists, bloggers and their family members, Online and on All Fronts: Russia’s Assault on Freedom of Expression documents this process. The report describes how the unjustifiable criminal prosecutions of dozens of people for social media posts, online videos, media articles and interviews, conflating criticism of the government with extremism are making Russians increasingly unsure about what kinds of speech are permissible and what could land them a large fine or a prison term. Following the 2011-2012 mass protests around Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency and through summer 2017, Russia adopted new laws aimed at expanding government control over internet infrastructure and content. The authorities have also invoked numerous other laws that limit or can be used to interfere with free speech. This report analyzes these laws and assesses their impact on freedom of expression and information in Russia." (Back cover)
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