"This book provides a variety of cases and theoretical insights that touch upon communication across media in everyday life. The cases favour user perspectives and are focused on coordinating mundane activities on smartphones, the role played by apps when exercising, the use of self-organised Facebo
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ok groups for civic participation, the role various cross-media communication patterns play in the everyday practices of bereaved parents, the framing and use of digitized cultural heritage, and the political everyday life appropriations of users on social media. While the cases are empirically grounded, the theoretical insights provide different frameworks for understanding cross-mediated communication patterns and space of agency in everyday contexts." (Back cover)
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"The objective of the Study Module is to enhance the business knowledge of undergraduate and graduate students of arts, humanities and media and communications, i.e. individuals, who have potential to be (self) employed after their graduation in the field of creative industries. Special focus in the
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study module is given to the latent entrepreneurial propensities, i.e. personal qualities and skills of the individual that would enable students to pursue an entrepreneurial career when given the opportunity or incentive to new venture creation." (Page 4)
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"Previous studies of intimidation and harassment of journalists have (rightly) focused on non-democratic and authoritarian nations and/or transitional/emerging democracies. In this article, we examine the situation in Sweden, a country with strong de facto and de jure safeguards of journalistic free
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dom and autonomy. We report the findings from a representative survey of Swedish journalists where three themes are analysed: the extent of harassment, the forms of harassment, and the consequences of intimidation and harassment. The results show that a third of the respondents had experienced threats at work in the past year, and an overwhelming majority said they had received offensive and insulting comments. Intimidation and harassment also had consequences, both professionally and personally, such as fear and self-censorship. We therefore argue that it is time to add the dimension of external pressure and threats to the discussion of journalistic autonomy—including in countries like Sweden." (Abstract)
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"Romanian journalists said that objectivity is the most important attribute of their work. They strongly believe that their job is to report events exactly the way they happened, without any external or internal intervention. The low standard deviations in these cases indicate that there is a high l
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evel of agreement (at least declarative agreement) on the most important roles of the Romanian journalists. In addition, Romanian journalists think they have a duty to serve their public. As shown in Table 1, they believe their role is to educate the audience and provide an analysis of the current problems. However, the standard deviation shows that there is not a high level of agreement on the main roles of the journalists. For the majority of the Romanian journalists it is essential to assume a social role in the community. They consider it important to promote tolerance and cultural diversity, to let people express their views, to support national development and to advocate for social change. The percentage of those who assume the role of watch dogs for the politicians is smaller; only half of the Romanian journalists questioned in this particular study believe it is important to monitor and scrutinize political leaders." (Journalistic roles, page 2)
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"Journalists in Serbia seriously believe in their role to inform, interpret, educate and advocate for social change. Nearly all of them, with very little divergence, say the main role of journalism is to report things as they are, followed by providing analysis, promoting tolerance and diversity, ed
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ucating the audience, letting people express their views, advocating for social change, influencing public opinion, supporting national development and telling stories about the world. Around two thirds point to aspects of the watchdog-role as important in their work: monitoring and scrutinizing political leaders and businesses and providing information people need to make political decisions, as well as being a detached observer. Slightly more than half of the interviewed journalists believe it is their job to provide advice for daily life, and there is a relative agreement among them about this. Less popular journalistic roles of setting the political agenda and motivating people to take part in political activity enjoy support of 43.1 and 37.5 percent respectively, with a higher divergence of opinions. Similarly, the disagreement is relatively high over prioritizing entertainment and relaxation, or being an adversary of the government, each upheld by one third of respondents. Supporting government’s policy and conveying a positive image of political leadership are the two least popular journalistic roles (8.9 and 12.6 percent respectively), and journalists tend to agree about this." (Journalistic roles, pages 1-2)
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"This paper sets out how Russia built up its disinformation campaign, by analyzing what was said and comparing it with what was done. Using open source and social media intelligence (OSSMINT), it exposes the false claims that Russia targeted ISIS or defeated international terrorism. It reveals that,
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far from being a partner in the fight against ISIS, Russia in fact acted as a party to the civil war in Syria, fighting for Assad and against the armed groups—especially those backed by the United States—that oppose both the Syrian leader and ISIS. This study concludes that Putin’s policy was to distract, deceive, and destroy. The buildup to the Russian air strikes distracted Western and Russian attention from Putin’s Ukrainian operations and the buildup of his forces in Syria. The official campaign reports deceived the world about the mission’s true targets and goals. The operation destroyed the capabilities of the only credible non-jihadist alternative to Assad’s regime, including those elements directly backed by the West. This fits a pattern of behavior already played out in Ukraine. It can be used as a template to predict, examine, and judge his future actions." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"Alle großen Verlagshäuser der großen Leitmedien sind in Events involviert, bei denen Lobbyorganisationen mit im Boot sind. Von Anfang 2012 bis Ende 2015 gab es 59 derartige Veranstaltungen. Dies zeigt, dass es sich längst um ein umfassendes Phänomen handelt [...] Die Untersuchung zeigt weiterh
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in, dass die Verlage mit einer Vielzahl von Lobbyorganisationen aus den verschiedensten Branchen kooperieren. Dabei werden häufig auch Kooperationsformen gewählt, die potenziell zu mittleren bis hohen Einflussmöglichkeiten auf die inhaltliche Ausrichtung der Konferenz führen. Weiterhin scheint eine Mitwirkung der Redaktionen an diesen von den Verlagen organisierten Konferenzen gang und gäbe. Die Einbindung der Journalisten findet zumeist als Moderatoren statt, geht gelegentlich aber auch darüber hinaus. Die vorliegende Arbeit argumentiert, dass hierdurch, besonders in Kombination mit einer inhaltlich potenziell stark beeinflussten Konferenz, Gelegenheitsstrukturen entstehen können, die zur Interessenangleichung zwischen Journalisten und Lobbyisten bzw. zur Einschränkung der kritischen Perspektive beitragen." (Fazit, Seite 32)
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"The purpose of this publication, which has been taken care of by our partner institution IViR of the University of Amsterdam, is to provide an overview of the often disparate information concerning regional audiovisual media in Europe and to serve as a first reference point for those interested in
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exploring their legal and operational dynamics. The introductory part sets the scene for the scope of the report and presents the most recent regulatory achievements at European level. The first part of the report opens with a survey of the current national developments, highlighting those countries where governments have been particularly active in implementing reforms in recent years, touching upon funding systems, advertising and information windows, must-carry mechanisms and frequency allocation. The different national experiences have recently been assessed under the Media Pluralism Monitor promoted by the EU. The results show that none of the countries have fulfilled all of the safeguards considered by the tool. In addition, it points out that despite the availability of legislation on regional media in most countries, only a small number of them seems to have implemented it effectively. A snapshot is provided of regional and local television in Europe from a market perspective, with country by country data on public and private broadcasters from the MAVISE database of the European Audiovisual Observatory, including specific information on language channels, regional windows and studios. The second part of the report explores a selection of national case-studies. The total variety of solutions does not allow for a sensible comparative analysis, so the purpose of this selection is rather to collect the countries that show distinctive or interesting features in their regulatory approaches. The selected countries – Germany, Italy, The Netherlands, France, Spain, Switzerland and United Kingdom – present a canvas of possible solutions to the challenges that regional media are facing in the current times of economic crisis and digital convergence. While findability and visibility of regional media within the wide media offer that exists in all European countries is still one of the major obstacles for regional broadcasters to be known and consequently to be consumed, several examples of good practices can be traced while looking at the various national experiences." (Foreword, page 1-2)
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"IT Governance requires public and corporate cybersecurity policies to improve fighting against cybercrime and other violations. The EU, the USA and Brazil have recently developed different regulatory approaches on the subject. Assessing how to design policies in line with them across geographies se
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ems key for effectively managing relevant global issues. After a brief introduction, the article touches on three sample topics: online privacy, open-source platforms, and latest-generation cyber-threats to illustrate how EU, US and Brazil have taken different paths. Each sample topic is analysed in detail and followed by a conclusion indicating how possibly regional or national particularities may be pragmatically reconciled by public and corporate interested parties." (Abstract)
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"This report reviews similarities and differences in public sector support for the media across a sample of six developed democracies – Finland, France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States – that represent a wide range of different media systems and different approaches to
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media policy. It shows that public support for the media in all of them has remained basically unchanged for decades: Primarily it takes the form of licence fee funding going overwhelmingly to public service broadcasting. This is the case in all the five European countries. In the United States, federal and state appropriations for public broadcasting constitute the second most significant form of public support for the media. Secondarily it takes the form of indirect support for paid print media industry incumbents. In the United States, this form of support is more significant than funding for public broadcasting. In all cases governments offer more indirect than direct support for private sector media organisations. Only Finland, France, and Italy offer direct subsidies; in Finland and France almost exclusively for the printed press, in Italy also to local broadcasters. In all three countries, indirect subsidies are more significant. There is no substantial public-sector support for online-only media organisations. In France, the only country in which such support was available, it amounted to little more than 1/10,000th of all public support in 2008." (Executive summary)
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"Currently, no dedicated agency or systematic effort analyzes the effect of Russian (or any other) disinformation. Who really watches Russia Today? Where? For how long? And why? Nor do we have the means to systematically track the content: How does the Kremlin’s message in Germany differ from the
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line in Sweden or Poland? Our case studies, combined with an ongoing effort at CEPA to identify and monitor Russian propaganda in parts of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) show the variety of Russia’s means and messaging. But the lack of a coherent picture constrains our ability to respond in both quantitative and qualitative terms. We recommend: Regular, targeted analysis of the reach and impact of Russian propaganda; Greater analysis of the CEE media environment to detect disinformation campaigns and understand what sources shape public awareness; and Monitoring of social media, identifying trends and personalities that are popular among polarized social groups and who could be engaged to build trust." (Page II)
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"The development of new and social networking sites, as well as the growth of transnational Arab television, has triggered a debate about the rise in transnational political and religious identification, as individuals and groups negotiate this new triad of media, religion and culture. This book exa
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mines the implications of new media on the rise of political Islam and on Islamic religious identity in the Arab Middle East and North Africa, as well as among Muslim Arab Diasporas. Undoubtedly, the process of globalization, especially in the field of media and ICTs, challenges the cultural and religious systems, particularly in terms of identity formation. Across the world, Arab Muslims have embraced new media not only as a source of information but also as a source of guidance and fatwas, thereby transforming Muslim practices and rituals. This volume brings together chapters from a range of specialists working in the field, presenting a variety of case studies on new media, identity formation and political Islam in Muslim communities both within and beyond the MENA region." (Publisher description)
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"Media concentration has been an issue around the world. To some observers the power of large corporations has never been higher. To others, the Internet has brought openness and diversity. What perspective is correct? The answer has significant implications for politics, business, culture, regulati
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on, and innovation. It addresses a highly contentious subject of public debate in many countries around the world. In this discussion, one side fears the emergence of media empires that can sway public opinion and endanger democracy. The other side believes the Internet has opened media to unprecedented diversity and worries about excessive regulation by government. Strong opinions and policy advocates abound on each side, yet a lack of quantitative research across time, media industries, and countries undermines these positions. This book moves beyond the rhetoric of free media and free markets to provide a dispassionate and data-driven analysis of global media ownership trends and their drivers. The book covers thirteen media industries, including television, newspapers, book publishing, film, search engines, ISPs, wireless telecommunication, and others across a 10- to 25-year period in thirty countries. After examining these countries, this book offers comparisons and analysis across industries, regions, companies, and development levels. It calculates overall national concentration trends beyond specific media industries, the market share of individual companies in the overall national media sector, and the size and trends of transnational companies in overall global media." (Publisher description)
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