"As the Russian invasion of Ukraine erupted, the country’s authorities declared a war on Western social media as well. In March, such social media giants as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram were blocked in Russia, giving their local competitor—named VK—a virtual monopoly in the country. Millio
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ns of Russian Facebook and Instagram users have flocked to this social network. Though VK may seem similar to Facebook, it is drastically different due to its proximity to the Russian government. The article examines the core peculiarities of VK and the risks its users may face, especially, in the context of war." (Abstract)
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"Platforms have power. But this power is not unchecked. Governments have an important role to play in protecting their citizens' rights vis-à-vis third parties and ensuring a communication order in which rights are not violated. (And in addition, of course, they need to respect human rights themsel
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ves and not arbitrarily shut down sites or use their power to make the Internet less free and open). As leader of working group 2 it is my distinct privilege to present this collection which unites studies by researchers within the Global Digital Human Rights Networks on issues connected to the overarching question of how platforms deal with human rights and their human rights obligations. This study is a key deliverable of our working group in the second year of the Global Digital Human Rights Network's activities. We will follow-up with Guidelines for platforms and an Assessment Model for states and other stakeholders in 2024. We developed this study under Corona conditions but were able to meet in the Tyrolean Alps in Obergurgl, Austria, in July 2022 to finalize this study." (Preface, page 7)
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"Combating illegal parking and drinking in public is the raison d’être of Russia’s best-known law-and-order youth initiatives, StopKham and Lev Protiv. These initiatives enforce and promote neotraditional morals amongst young people by challenging alleged offenders on camera and uploading the e
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ntertaining, humorous and often violent video clips to YouTube. I argue that their practices encapsulate flexible authoritarianism, in which the regime incentivises citizens to take initiative while expanding repressive measures against dissenters. Not only do these enterprises reflect the regime’s goals back at itself, they also popularise a new ideal of heroic masculinity that fuses patriotism with entrepreneurialism." (Abstract)
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"Während der Corona-Pandemie und der damit verbundenen Einschränkungen des öffentlichen Lebens hat sich der Medienkonsum in allen Bereichen signifikant erhöht. Um auf dem Laufenden und mit anderen in Kontakt zu bleiben, aber auch um sich zu unterhalten und abzulenken, nutzten (und nutzen) die Me
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nschen sowohl die traditionellen Angebote als auch die digitalen Medien- und Kommunikationstechnologien in stärkerem Ausmaß. Medienangebote haben während der Pandemie neben der Informations- auch psychosoziale Funktionen. Die stärker ausgeprägte Nutzung von Medien, die interpersonale Kommunikation und hohe soziale Präsenz ermöglichen (z.B. Video-Calls, Instant-Messenger), ist ein Indikator für das starke soziale Bedürfnis während der Pandemie, das durch den Gebrauch entsprechender Technologien befriedigt werden soll. Neben nützlichen Funktionen können dabei auch eher problematische Folgen der Mediennutzung beobachtet werden. Das Internet wirkt sich beispielsweise in der Krisenzeit positiv als Kommunikationsweg aus, um mit anderen in Kontakt zu bleiben und Informationen zu erhalten. Gleichzeitig berichten die Nutzer aber auch von Überforderung und Erschöpfung sowie negativen emotionalen Auswirkungen durch die Berichterstattung. Mit andauernder Krise zeigen sich zudem Anzeichen dafür, dass weniger Informationen gesucht werden und es bei vielen Menschen zur Informationsüberlastung hinsichtlich des Themas Corona-Pandemie gekommen ist. Wenn subjektiv eine kritische Masse an COVID-19-Informationen erreicht ist, können auch negative Effekte, wie zum Beispiel depressive Symptome, entstehen. Um die psychosozialen Belastungen abzufedern und das Wohlbefinden zu steigern, nutzen die Konsumenten spezifische inhaltliche Medienangebote. So dient zum Beispiel die Rezeption nostalgischer Medieninhalte neben der Unterhaltung auch der Bewältigung von Isolationsbefürchtungen. Als weitere hilfreiche Strategie, um das Bedürfnis nach Zugehörigkeit und sozialen Kontakten zu befriedigen, kann auch die Intensivierung parasozialer Beziehungen mit medialen Charakteren (Prominenten, Personas u.ä.) dienen. Spezifische Medienangebote können somit auch die Funktion haben, einen Ausgleich zur belastenden Situation in der Krise zu bieten." (https://www.ard-media.de/media-perspektiven)
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"Radio kann mit Gestaltungselementen wie Stimme, Geräuschen und Musik Marken schaffen und profilieren. In einem Experiment wurden drei Radiospots für einen fiktiven Schokoriegel mit gleichem Text, aber unterschiedlicher Emotionalität produziert. Die drei Spots („Der Verführer“, „Der Animat
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eur“, „Der Friedensbringer“) weckten verschiedene Assoziationen. Diese Assoziationen übertrugen sich auf die Marke und wandten sich an die Menschen als Erwachsener, Teenie oder Kind. Die Zielgruppen wurden dadurch emotional angesprochen." (Kurz und knapp, Seite 288)
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"In dieser Open-Access-Publikation stellen Katharina Kärgel und Frederic Vobbe anhand sieben typischer Fallbeispiele Handlungsempfehlungen für einen adäquaten Umgang mit mediatisierter sexualisierter Gewalt dar. Die Empfehlungen sind das Ergebnis des vom Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschu
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ng geförderten Projekts „HUMAN“. Sie wurden empirisch unter Beteiligung von Betroffenen sowie Expert*innen der Bereiche Recht, Psychologie, Pädagogik und Soziale Arbeit entwickelt. Sie umfassen jeweils Fallreflexionen sowie konkrete Handlungsansätze. Digitale Medien sind Instrument und Kontext sexualisierter Gewalt gegen Kinder und Jugendliche. Sie müssen bei Übergriffen durch zuvor fremde wie nahestehende Personen stets mitbedacht werden. Ihr Einsatz verstetigt die Belastungen Betroffener und führt zu einer hohen Komplexität von Interventionen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Diese Untersuchung widmet sich der deutschen Propaganda in Lateinamerika während des Ersten Weltkrieges aus einer transnationalen Perspektive. Dabei fragt sie zunächst nach den Produktionsbedingungen und zeigt, dass deutsche Propaganda durch ein plurizentrisches Netzwerk realisiert wurde, dessen
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Akteure sich nicht zwangsläufig mit den Deutschen sympathisierten, sondern auch aufgrund von Interessenkonvergenz in der Zielsetzung mit den Deutschen kooperierten. Diese Abhängigkeit von lokalen Initiativen on the spot hatte auch Konsequenzen für die diskursive Konfiguration der Propaganda. In Argentinien, Chile und Mexiko eignete sich die deutsche Propaganda nationale wie transnationale Identitätsdiskurse an und band sie in ihre Argumentationsstrategien ein, um zwischen ihren Botschaften und den potentiellen Rezipienten Identifikation herzustellen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Auf den folgenden Seiten stellen wir Ihnen 13 konkrete Unterrichtseinheiten für die Klassen 3 bis 6 vor. Diese unterstützen Sie dabei, mit Ihren Schülerinnen und Schülern ausgesuchte Teilkompetenzen aus dem Medienkompetenzrahmen NRW zu erarbeiten. Die Unterrichtseinheiten bauen auf den Inhalten
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der Lernplattform Internet-ABC auf. Unter internet-abc.de finden Sie darüber hinaus viele weitere Anregungen für die Förderung der Medienkompetenz Ihrer Schülerinnen und Schüler. Der Medienkompetenzrahmen NRW definiert die relevanten Schlüsselqualifikationen, die Kindern und Jugendlichen bis zum Ende ihrer Schullaufbahn vermittelt werden sollen. Mehr Informationen zum Medienkompetenzrahmen und weitere Vorschläge für Ihre Unterrichtsgestaltung finden Sie unter medienkompetenzrahmen.nrw.de." (Vorwort)
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"Across the types of issues that child protection workers were facing, forms of child sexual exploitation and abuse with an online element were indicated in 18% of their total caseloads. This means that one in five children they were supporting had related concerns. It is noted this was a convenienc
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e sample, and organisations supporting issues related to child abuse were targeted for participation in the survey, yet this is still a strong indication of the extent of this concern at the frontline. Under-reporting of child sexual exploitation and abuse, as well as the under-identification of the role of technology and the Internet in cases, may also be an issue. Girls were more frequently identified as being subjected to sexual exploitation and abuse online, with about 54% of workers saying that online forms of child sexual exploitation and abuse were emerging in ‘more than half’ of their cases with girls." (Key findings, page 9)
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"Drawing on the author’s and other media trainers’ experiences over a 25-year period, this book provides important insights into tailoring training programs to specific regions and countries. Case studies describe training in radio and television management, broadcasting, and media sustainabilit
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y, and are contextualized against the cultural and historical backgrounds of each region." (Publisher description)
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"Die Frage nach geschlechtergerechtem Sprachgebrauch scheint zur modernen Gretchenfrage geworden zu sein. Sie betrifft nicht nur ausnahmslos alle, die Deutsch sprechen oder schreiben, sie ist oftmals auch mit einem Bekenntnis beziehungsweise der Zuschreibung einer Haltung verbunden, die weit über s
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prachliche Geschmacksfragen hinausweist. Die vehement geführte Debatte um Gendersternchen und generisches Maskulinum trägt mitunter Züge eines Kulturkampfs, bei dem Sprache nur stellvertretend für andere gesellschaftliche Großthemen verhandelt wird. Schattierungen wahrzunehmen, wird dadurch schwieriger." (Veralg)
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"The Russia-Ukraine war’s ramifications for Vietnam are felt beyond the economic and diplomatic realms. It has in fact become an online hotbed of conflicting and confounding narratives that demonstrate different worldviews and political leanings among Vietnamese netizens. An examination of 28 Face
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book pages/groups active in trending pro-Russia narratives finds an ‘echo chamber’ that is on a constant lookout for Russian, Western and even Chinese news sources that peddle and amplify pro-Russia and anti-Western voices. The most salient pro-Russia narratives in Vietnam’s cyberspace revolve around justifying Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, echoing anti-America and anti-imperialist worldviews, and lionising Russia while demonising Ukraine. These online groups have likely carved out a niche for the conservative segment of the Vietnamese state to shape a propaganda environment where there is space for pro-Russia and anti-Russia narratives, so that pro-Ukraine sentiments will not become predominant in the public discourse. Pro-Russia narratives in Vietnam’s cyberspace are the result of cross-pollination between sentimental attachment since the Soviet era, psychological bias towards Russia embedded in Vietnam’s education and propaganda system, and the overriding imperative to preserve the Vietnamese state’s political and ideological interests." (Executive summary)
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"Many mediators and peacebuilders are interested in using information about actors and narratives on social media to inform programming. Our starting assumption is that users of this toolkit do not have the resources to either hire a specialist social media analysis firm or to pay for commercial soc
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ial media analysis tools. Therefore, this toolkit is a practical how-to guide for mediators and peacebuilders who want to conduct their own social media analysis, offering an overview of what is possible, a practical guide to a handful of technology tools, and suggestions on analysis methods. The toolkit is also a why-to guide, offering ideas on what programming social media analysis can inform and when it is worth investing resources in this kind of analysis. The toolkit is structured in three sections:
Section 1 outlines what it is possible to do with social media data. It covers how to select the social media platforms on which to conduct analysis and explains what data it is possible to gather from each platform. It also offers three main use cases for social media analysis that can support the work of peacebuilders and mediators, explaining the kind of insights we can glean from social media data, and how they connect to relevant programming.
Section 2 outlines in detail how to work with Facebook and Twitter data. It includes how to come up with search parameters, how to decide whether to download data or view it in a search tool, how to access data from Facebook and Twitter, and how to organise data that has been collected. It also looks at analysis methods to find patterns in this data that can help peacebuilders and mediators understand what is the general narrative (netnography or narrative analysis), what people are talking about most and how (quantitative analysis), what is the tone and emotion of a narrative (sentiment analysis), and who is talking about what with whom (network analysis).
Section 3 offers case studies of social media analysis conducted to support peacebuilding or mediation programs. The case studies connect to the previous sections, illustrating how the methods and tools outlined are used in practice in our fields." (Introduction)
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"This book discusses the role of television drama series on a global scale, analyzing these dramas across the Americas, Europe, Asia, Australia, and Africa. Contributors consider the role of television dramas as economically valuable cultural products and with their depictions of gender roles, sexua
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lities, race, cultural values, political systems, and religious beliefs as they analyze how these programs allow us to indulge our innate desire to share human narratives in a way that binds us together and encourages audiences to persevere as a community on a global scale. Contributors also go on to explore the role of television dramas as a medium that indulges fantasies and escapism and reckons with reality as it allows audiences to experience emotions of happiness, sorrow, fear, and outrage in both realistic and fantastical scenarios." (Publisher description)
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"WeChat, launched in 2011, has rapidly become the most favoured Chinese social media. Globally available, equally popular both inside and outside China and widely adopted by Chinese migrants, WeChat has fundamentally changed the ways in which Mandarin-speaking migrants conduct personal messaging, en
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gage in group communication and community business activities, produce and distribute news, and access and share information. This book explores a wide range of issues connected to the ways in which WeChat works and is used, across the world among the newest members of the Chinese diaspora. Arguing that digital/social media afford a great degree of individual agency, as well as a collective capacity for sustaining an 'imagined community', the book shows how WeChat's assemblage of infrastructure and regulatory frameworks, technical capabilities, content and sense of community has led to the construction of a particular kind of diasporic Chinese world, at a time marked both by China's rise, and anxiety about Chinese influence in the West." (Publisher description)
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"The book answers two interrelated questions: how media and communication reality changed during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, and how media and communication were effectively studied during this time. The book presents changes in media and communication in three areas: media production,
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media content and media usage contexts. It then describes the theoretical and practical, methodological, technical, organizational, and ethical challenges in conducting research in circumstances of sudden change in research conditions, emergency situations and developing crises. Drawing on various theoretical studies and empirical research, the volume illustrates the principles and results of applying diverse research methods to the changing role of media in a pandemic and offers good practices and guidance to address the problems in implementing research projects in a time of sudden difficulties and challenges." (Publisher description)
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"What are root causes of trust and distrust in media in different political contexts? How is media use shifted from one source to another with the change of political culture? What factors shape media perception across cultures and across political regimes? Are there commonalities or are they differ
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ent? Given the common instrumentalization of media in conflict environments and the growing ubiquity of political media capture, we may also ask, whether unfettered trust in media is normatively desirable under any circumstances. Put differently: Isn’t distrust a healthy response to propaganda and media manipulation? How is the concept of media literacy connected to trust or media scepticism? Do we need to be more sceptical rather than gullible? Against the backdrop of these (and other) questions, the Forum Media and Development (fome) dedicated its 2021 annual symposium to the question of trust in media, namely the question how media perception is shaped differently by different political contexts and media structures across the globe. Fome is the German platform for international media development initiatives (fome.info), a network that includes 24 organizations working towards strengthening free and independent media in developing and transitioning countries. The 2021 fome-symposium ran under the heading “Believe it or Not! Enquiries about TRUST in media (assistance)” and was organized by MiCT. The proceedings of the conference can be found online at https://fome.info/symposium-2021-documentation. Finally, this themed issue of the Global Media Journal – German Edition is curated as an extension of the conference and an effort to follow up upon some of the most pressing questions deriving from it." (Editorial)
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"Since gaining independence after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine has lurched along an unsteady path toward accountable democratic governance. Yet despite the country's volatile politics and the escalating conflict with Russia leading up to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in
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February 2022, Ukrainian reformers and their allies have made significant progress in reshaping the country's media climate." (Page 1)
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"The 2022 Europe and Eurasia Vibrant Information Barometer (VIBE) sees the addition of the five countries of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) to the study, bringing the total number of countries examined to 18. With VIBE, IREX strives to capture a moder
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n and evolving media space where people are simultaneously producers, transmitters, consumers, and actors in the information that influences their lives and environments [...] For countries in Europe and Eurasia (E&E) included in this year’s publication, country-level scores were, again, mainly split into two VIBE classifications: Somewhat Vibrant (North Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Albania, Armenia, Moldova, and Ukraine) and Slightly Vibrant (Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, and Serbia). Azerbaijan held the lowest score in E&E, putting it in the Not Vibrant classification. In Central Asia, this year’s study put Kyrgyzstan the Somewhat Vibrant category, while Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan were Slightly Vibrant. While Uzbekistan’s score characterized it as Slightly Vibrant, Turkmenistan joined Azerbaijan in the Not Vibrant classification." (Executive summary)
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"This report presents four models of direct media subsidies in Europe: from Serbia, Croatia, Sweden and the European Union as well as an overview of reduced VAT rates for newspapers, digital publications and periodicals in EU countries and Serbia. In recent years, the value of direct state aid for m
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edia has been questioned, while indirect subsidies, such as tax exemptions, have been the model preferred by governments and welcomed by media owners. This is especially the case with reduced VAT rates, which have been introduced in all EU Member States and beyond." (Executive summary)
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